F3?  7 


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' 


The  Capitol! 


WITH  THE  MAKERS  OE  TEXAS 


A SOURCE  READER  IN  TEXAS  HISTORY 


BY 

HERBERT  EUGENE  BOLTON,  PH.  D.  //'•• 

AND 


EUGENE  C.  BARKER,  M.  A. 

Instructors  in  History  in  The  University  of  Texas 


,3(oQ 


IVith  an  Introduction  by 

GEORGE  P.  GARRISON,  PH.  D. 

Professor  of  History  in 
The  University  of  Texas 


ILLUSTRATED 


BOSTON  COLLEGE  LIB&AMY 
CHESTNUT  HILL,  MASS. 

NEW  YORK-:.  CINCINNATI CHICAGO 

AMERICAN  BOOK  COMPANY 


COPYRIGHT  ]904 

BY  HERBERT  ELGENE  BOLTON  AND  EUGENE  C.  BARKER 

E'P  5 


01 


INTRODUCTION 


Among  the  improvements  in  the  methods  of  teach- 
ing history  that  have  been  so  marked  in  recent  years, 
there  is  perhaps  none  that  has  been  of  greater  value 
than  the  introduction  of  the  use  of  sources.  Nothing 
has  gone  further  towards  making  it  possible  to  obtain 
from  the  study  of  the  subject  a maximum  of  that  cul- 
ture which  properly  belongs  thereto.  One  result  of 
the  improvement  has  been  to  give  the  student  a sense 
of  reality  in  the  past  and  of  naturalness  in  the  social 
processes  with  which  he  has  to  deal  that  could  never 
be  attainable  through  secondary  narratives  or  descrip- 
tions. In  the  utterances  of  the  contemporaries  the 
vanished  age  returns,  the  old  quarrels  are  fought  out, 
and  the  old  ideals  prevail ; and  the  earnest  listener,  be 
he  man  or  boy,  hears  and  understands.  His  sympa- 
thies are  aroused,  and  his  humanity  is  quickened  into 
healthier  growth. 

Another  result  has  been  to  train  the  student’s  judg- 
ment in  a way  that  was  not  possible  by  the  old-fash- 
ioned means  of  using  a single  text ; for  by  this  method 
he  was  precluded  from  the  exercise  in  analyzing  and 
valuing  evidence  which  the  use  of  sources  demands. 
A good  text-book  is  essential  for  teaching  elementary 
classes  in  history;  because  in  this  way  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  subject,  which  is  the  most  important  de- 
sideratum, can  be  best  effected.  But  the  work  of  the 
teacher  is  less  than  half  done  if  he  fails  to  go  beyond 
the  text.  The  student  taught  in  such  a way  is  liable 
to  acquire  an  unquestioning,  and  often  a genuinely 


VI 


INTRODUCTION 


timid,  dependence  on  authority.  The  teaching  which 
has  an  effect  like  this  is  worse  than  incomplete  or 
even  useless;  it  is  positively  harmful.  No  qualities 
are  better  worth  cultivation  in  any  one  that  is  being 
trained  for  the  duties  of  life  than  broad  human  sym- 
pathy and  robust  self-dependence  in  thinking. 

Experts  in  historical  pedagogy  differ  concerning  the 
extent  to  which  sources  may  be  advantageously  used, 
and  some  are  not  inclined  to  use  them  at  all,  except  in 
advanced  work.  The  best  answer  to  these  doubters 
will  be  found  in  an  experimental  application  of  the 
theories  which  they  deny,  provided  it  is  made  under 
proper  conditions.  If  the  selections  from  the  docu- 
ments are  of  the  right  kind,  if  they  are  sufficiently  in- 
teresting and  simple — and  such  matter  can  usually  be 
found — there  need  be  no  fear. 

The  selections  in  this  reader  will,  as  I believe,  stand 
the  test.  The  history  of  Texas  is  marked  at  every 
stage  by  individual  and  social  experiences  that  are 
just  of  the  kind  to  awaken  an  intense  interest  on  the 
part  of  the  young,  and  many  fascinating  narratives  of 
these  experiences  have  been  left  by  the  men  and 
women  who  went  through  them.  The  compilers  of 
the  book  have  chosen  well  from  their  abundant  ma- 
terials, and  I am  sure  it  will  be  found  a pleasure  to 
the  pupil  that  uses  it,  as  well  as  a valuable  aid  to  the 
teacher.  To  the  Texan  boys  and  girls  who  read  these 
extracts,  Austin  and  Houston  will  no  longer  be  seen, 
as  they  now  appear  to  so  many  of  the  children  in  our 
schools,  like  figures  at  twilight  in  a distant  wood,  but 
will  become  the  vivid  personalities,  each  with  his 
strength  and  weakness,  that  they  were.  The  motives, 


INTRODUCTION 


Vll 


both  the  sordid  and  the  unselfish,  that  gave  impulse 
to  the  work  of  Spaniard  and  Anglo-American;  the 
toil  and  privation  by  which  the  land  was  won,  and 
the  pleasures  experienced  in  the  winning;  the  folly  of 
the  quarrel  between  governor  and  council,  and  the 
heroism  in  the  defense  of  the  Alamo  will  alike  be 
understood.  The  truth  will  become  clear,  and  from 
the  history  will  be  gathered  its  right  lesson  and  its 
proper  inspiration. 

George  P.  Garrison. 

The  University  of  Texas, 

June  30,  1904. 


PLAN  AND  PURPOSE 


With  the  Makers  of  Texas  may  serve  either  as  a 
reader  or  to  supplement  the  history  text.  To  fit  it 
for  a reader,  selection  has  been  made  of  pieces  with 
literary  merit  and  of  varied  character.  And  yet,  they 
possess,  withal,  a unity  and  localization  of  interest 
which  few  ordinary  readers  can  claim.  As  a text  for 
the  reading  class  it  can  be  most  profitably  used,  per- 
haps, either  in  the  grade  preceding  the  study  of,  or  by 
the  grade  actually  studying,  Pennybacker.  If  it  be 
preferred  to  use  the  book  as  a supplementary  work  in 
the  hands  of  the  history  class,  rather  than  as  a reader, 
the  cross-references  to  Pennybacker  and  to  Garrison 
will  facilitate  the  plan. 

The  compilers  have  gathered  copiously  from  every 
period  of  the  State’s  history,  and  those  who  helped  to 
make  Texas  what  it  is  are  allowed  to  tell  in  their  own 
words  of  the  hardships  and  dangers,  triumphs  and 
pleasures,  of  the  life  they  lived.  The  selections  have 
been  arranged  in  six  groups,  corresponding  with  the 
large  periods  in  Texas  History;  but  it  has  not  been 
the  object  to  cover  every  step  in  the  State’s  develop- 
ment. In  general,  little  attention  has  been  given  to 
political  history,  the  outlines  of  which  can  be  easily 
gotten  from  the  State  text-book.  It  has  been  the  con- 
stant aim  of  the  compilers  not  to  over-edit  the  selec- 
tions, but  it  is  hoped  that  they  have  at  the  same  time 
escaped  the  danger  of  insufficiently  editing  them. 

The  general  editorial  plan  has  been  this : ( i ) Each 


X 


PLAN  AND  PURPOSE 


piece,  where  its  setting  is  not  clearly  shown  in  the  text, 
is  preceded  by  a brief  introduction.  In  this  are  ex- 
plained the  circumstances  leading  up  to  the  events  de- 
scribed, their  bearing  on  the  general  history  of  Texas, 
and  the  connection  of  the  writer  with  the  story  that 
he  narrates.  (2)  A list  of  questions  follows  nearly 
every  selection  and  brings  out  its  principal  values. 
Some  general  questions  are  asked,  by  way  of  sugges- 
tion, that  can  not  be  answered  directly  from  the  text; 
others  call  for  a comparison  of  several  selections  in- 
dicated by  references.  (3)  Difficult  words — chiefly 
proper  names — are  pronounced  when  they  first  occur. 
(4)  Foreign  or  unusual  words  are  explained.  Where 
the  explanation  is  brief  enough  it  has  been  inserted 
in  the  text  in  brackets,  otherwise  it  is  placed  in  a foot- 
note. (5)  To  train  the  pupil  in  the  organization  and 
use  of  materials,  frequent  cross-references  are  made 
in  the  footnotes.  Wherever  possible  direct  references 
for  collateral  reading  have  been  made  to  Pennybacker’s 
A New  History  of  Texas  and  to  Garrison’s  Texas. 
(6)  The  marginal  synopsis  furnishes  a rapid  sum- 
mary of  the  selections.  (7)  The  illustrations  have 
been  carefully  chosen,  and  are  intended  both  to  in- 
struct and  to  entertain.  For  this  reason  questions 
are  asked  about  the  pictures  as  well  as  about  the  text. 
(8)  Finally,  for  the  benefit  primarily  of  the  teacher, 
specific  bibliographical  references  have  been  accurately 
given. 

Much  matter,  of  course,  has  been  omitted  in  adapt- 
ing the  pieces  to  this  collection,  and,  on  account  of  the 
elementary  grade  of  work  for  which  the  book  is  de- 
signed, it  has  been  thought  best  not  to  lessen  the  at- 


PLAN  AND  PURPOSE 


xi 


tractiveness  of  the  pages  by  indicating  the  omissions. 
The  capitalization  and  punctuation  are  in  many  cases 
those  of  the  compilers,  and  in  a very  few  instances  a 
difficult  word  has  been  replaced  by  its  simpler  syno- 
nym; but  nothing  has  been  added,  and  in  all  essen- 
tials the  language  is  that  of  the  authors. 

In  presenting  this  collection  of  sources  the  com- 
pilers are  indebted  to  Dr.  George  P.  Garrison,  Pro- 
fessor of  History  in  the  University  of  Texas,  for 
many  helpful  suggestions.  To  Miss  Lilia  M.  Casis, 
Professor  of  Spanish,  and  Miss  Ethel  Zivley  Rather, 
of  the  School  of  History,  in  The  University  of  Texas, 
they  are  under  obligations  for  some  of  the  transla- 
tions from  the  Spanish.  They  have  also  to  thank 
Mr.  Chas.  F.  Lummis,  of  Los  Angeles,  California, 
for  the  use  of  several  interesting  illustrations.  And 
they  desire  to  acknowledge  especially  the  usefulness 
of  the  Quarterly  of  the  Texas  State  Historical  Asso- 
ciation, which  is  a veritable  mine  of  material  on  Texas 
history. 

Herbert  Eugene  Bolton, 
Eugene  C.  Barker. 

The  University  of  Texas, 

July  5,  1904. 


CONTENTS 


PART  I 

THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 

1.  A Shipwrecked  Spaniard  in  Texas.  Cabeza  de  Vaca 

(1528-34.)  1 

2.  Indian  Life  in  Texas.  Cabeza  de  Vaca  (1528) 7 

3.  Coronado's  March  Across  the  Plains.  Castaneda  (1541).  13 

4.  La  Salle  at  an  Indian  Reception.  Joutel  (1685) 21 

5.  Life  at  Fort  St.  Louis.  Joutel  (1685-1687) 24 

6.  Fatal  Search  for  the  Mississippi.  Joutel  (1687) 30 

7.  The  Spaniards  Find  Fort  St.  Louis.  Damian  Manzanet 

(1689)  34 

8.  The  Destruction  of  Fort  St.  Louis.  Damian  Manzanet 

(1690)  39 

9.  A Texas  Chief’s  Household.  Damian  Manzanet  (1690).  43 

10.  Founding  Mission  San  Francisco.  Damian  Manzanet 

(1690)  46 

11.  St.  Denis  in  Texas.  Penicaut  (1714) 50 

12.  A Pipe  of  Peace.  Antonio  Bonilla  (1716) 54 

13.  Speeches  and  Presents.  La  Pena  (1721) 56 

14.  A Marquis  Builds  a Fort.  La  Pena  (1721) 58 

15.  Description  of  a Mission  (1762) 61 


PART  II 

THE  FILIBUSTERS 

16.  Hunting  Wild  Horses.  Ellis  P.  Bean  (1801) 67 

17.  The  Death  of  Philip  Nolan 

1.  As  told  by  Ellis  P.  Bean  (1801) 71 

2.  As  told  by  Lieut.  Musquiz  (1801) 73 

18.  Strike  for  Liberty.  Bernardo  Guiterrez  (1813) 75 

19.  End  of  Magee’s  Expedition  (1813).  Niles’  Register....  77 

20.  Some  French  Filibusters.  Hartmann  and  Millard 

(1819)  79 

21.  A Day  With  Lafitte.  Writer  unknown  (1819) 81 

22.  The  Last  of  the  Filibusters.  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar 

(1819)  87 

23.  A Battle  With  Cannibals.  James  Long  (1819) 91 

24.  How  General  Long  Won  His  Bride.  Mirabeau  B.  La- 

mar (1815) 92 

25.  Mrs.  Long’s  Adventures  in  Texas.  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar 

(1819)  95 


PART  III 

ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 

26.  Come  Out  to  the  West  (1844) 99 

27.  Difficulties  of  an  Empresario.  Stephen  F.  Austin 

(1823)  101 

28.  Punishing  Indian  Horse  Thieves.  J.  H.  Kuykendall 

(1823)  104 


XIV 


CONTENTS 


29.  How  a Colonist  Came  to  Texas.  Noah  Smithwick 

(1827)  . . 107 

30.  The  First  Sunday  School  in  Texas.  T.  J.  P.  (1829) ...  .112 

31.  A Disappointed  Land  Speculator.  Writer  unknown 

(1831)  115 

32.  Breaking  Mustangs.  Writer  unknown  (1831) 119 

33.  Social  Customs  Among  the  Old  300.  Noah  Smithwick. . 123 

34.  A Visit  to  Texas  in  1832.  George  B.  Erath 127 

35.  Frontier  Hospitality.  Noah  Smithwick  129 

36.  Bowie’s  Fight  on  the  San  Saba.  Rezin  P.  Bowie  (1832). 131 

37.  A Smuggling  Trip  to  Old  Mexico.  Noah  Smithwick 

(1827)  134 

38.  Little  German  Girl  in  Early  Texas.  Caroline  von 

Hinueber  (1831-35)  139 

39.  A Description  of  Texas  in  1834.  Juan  N.  Almonte 144 

40.  Hard  Times  Before  the  Revolution.  Jesse  Burnam.  . . .149 

41.  Running  the  Blockade  at  Velasco.  P.  E.  Peareson 

(1832)  153 

42.  A Lonely  Fourth  of  July.  Ben  R.  Milam  (1835) 156 


PART  IV 

THE  REVOLUTION 

43.  The  Texan  Marseillaise.  Writer  unknown  (1836) 159 

44.  The  Call  to  Arms  (1835).  William  H.  Wharton 161 

45.  The  New  Yankee  Doodle.  H.  K.  (1835) 163 

46.  An  Appeal  to  the  Fatherland.  The  Council  of  Texas 

(1835)  164 

47.  An  Heroic  Deed.  J.  H.  Kuykendall  (1835) 168 

48.  Davy  Crockett.  John  M.  Swisher  (1836) 170 

49.  I Shall  Never  Surrender  or  Retreat.  William  Barret 

Travis  (1836)  172 

50.  The  Texian  Hunter.  R.  M.  Potter .176 

51.  I Will  Never  Give  Up  the  Ship.  J.  W.  Fannin  (1836).. 179 

52.  Hymn  of  the  Alamo.  R.  M.  Potter  (1836) 180 

53.  The  Goliad  Massacre.  John  C.  Duval  (1836) 183 

54.  The  Battle  of  San  Jacinto.  Sam  Houston  (1836) 187 

55.  A Mexican’s  Story  of  San  Jacinto.  Pedro  Delgado 

(1836)  193 

56.  The  Capture  of  Santa  Anna.  Joel  W.  Robison  (1836).. 198 

57.  The  Runaway  Scrape.  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris  (1836) 202 

58.  The  Return  Home.  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris  (1836) 209 

59.  No  Roof  to  Call  My  Own.  Stephen  F.  Austin  (1836)... 213 

60.  A Mexican’s  Lament  (1836) 218 


PART  V 
THE  REPUBLIC 

61.  The  Texian  Song  of  Liberty.  C.  D.  Stuart 219 

62.  The  Keenest  Blade  at  San  Jacinto.  David  G.  Burnet 

(1838)  220 


CONTENTS 


xv 


63.  The  Council  House  Fight.  Mrs.  Sam  A.  Maverick 

(1840)  223 

64.  Austin  in  1840.  An  Immigrant 227 

65.  Texian  Camp  Song.  Writer  unknown  (1841) 230 

66.  Captured  by  Comanches.  Mrs.  Rebecca  J.  Gilleland 

Fisher  232 

67.  Objects  of  the  Santa  Fe  Expedition.  George  Wilkins 

Kendall  (1841)  236 

68.  A Western  Leather  Stocking.  George  Wilkins  Ken- 

dall (1841)  239 

69.  Old  Time  Schools  in  Texas.  M.  M.  Kenney  (1835-1842)  . 241 

70.  Up,  Men  of  Texas,  to  the  Fight.  Writer  unknown 

(1842)  247 

71.  An  Awful  Christmas  Morning.  J.  W.  Throckmorton 

(1842)  248 

72.  The  Death  of  Flaco.  Sam  Houston  (1843) 251 

73.  Drawing  the  Black  Beans.  Thomas  J.  Green  (1843) .... 253 

74.  In  a Mexican  Prison.  Thomas  J.  Green  (1843) 257 

75.  The  Escape  from  Perote.  Thomas  J.  Green  (1843) ....  261 

76.  Indian  “Talks.”  Pa-ha-you-co  and  Roasting-ear  (1845) .. 266 

77.  Farewell  to  the  Republic.  Anson  Jones  (1846) 270 


PART  VI 
THE  STATE 

78.  The  Ranger’s  Song.  James  T.  Lytle 274 

79.  The  Texans  at  Monterey.  Samuel  C.  Reid  (1846) 275 

80.  A Ranger’s  Story.  Capt.~  George  C.  Hendricks 280 

81.  A Bear  Story.  PYederick  Law  Olmsted  (1857) 285 

82.  An  Anecdote  of  General  Houston.  Writer  unknown. ..  .289 

83.  Home  Life  During  the  Civil  War.  Mrs.  E.  M.  Lough- 

ery  (1861-1865)  290 

84.  A Yankee  Soldier's  Diary  (1862).  Houston  Tri-Weekly 

Telegraph  ' 293 

85.  The  Recapture  of  Galveston.  J.  Bankhead  Magruder 

(1863)  297 

86.  Federal  Prisoners  in  Houston  (1863).  Houston  Tri- 

Weekly  Telegraph  299 

87.  A Hymn  for  the  Confederacy.  O.  M.  A.  (1863) 301 

88.  Some  Old  Time  Advertisements.  Houston  Tri-Weekly 

Telegraph  303 

89.  Raising  Money  for  the  War.  Houston  Tri-Weekly 

Telegraph  306 

90.  Hardships  of  the  Law  Makers  (1864).  Houston  Tri- 

Weekly  Telegraph  311 

91.  Flag  Song  of  Texas.  Mrs.  Lee  C.  Harby 313 


I hear  the  tread  of  pioneers 
Of  nations  yet  to  be; 

The  first  low  wash  of  waves,  zvhere  soon 
Shall  roll  a human  sea. 

The  rudiments  of  empire  here 
Are  plastic  yet  and  warm; 

The  chaos  of  a mighty  world 
Is  rounding  into  form. 

— Whittier. 


PART  I 

THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


1.  A Shipwrecked  Spaniard  in  Texas 

By  Cabeza  de  Vaca  (1528-34) 

Part  One 

In  1528  a Spaniard  named  Narva'ez  came  to  America  with  a 
large  party  of  men  to  conquer  and  govern  all  the  country  from 
Florida  to  Mexico.  After  wandering  about  in  Florida  for  a time, 
they  decided  to  go  to  Mexico  by  sea.  During  the  voyage  most 
of  the  party  were  lost,  but  Cabeza  de  Vaca  [Ka-ba'-sa  da  Va'-ka], 
one  of  the  officers,  and  a few  others  were  cast  ashore  on  the 
Texas  coast  at  an  island  which  they  named  Malha/do.  After 
his  return  to  Spain  Cabeza  described  his  experiences  in  a letter 
to  the  emperor,  Charles  V.  The  story  given  here  is  a part  of 
that  letter.1  It  begins  with  the  building  of  the  boats  at  the  Bay 
of  Horses,  on  the  Florida  coast. 

The  governor  called  his  men  together  and  asked 
each  one’s  opinion  as  to  what  should  be  done  to  get 
out  of  this  miserable  country.  We  agreed  upon  a 
great  plan,  but  one  that  was  extremely  difficult  to 
put  into  operation.  It  was  to  build  vessels  in  which 
we  might  get  away.  Now,  to  all  of  us,  this  appeared 
almost  impossible,  for  we  did  not  know  how  to  build 
boats,  and  there  were  no  tools,  nor  iron,  nor  forge, 

*Adapted  from  Buckingham  Smith,  Relation  of  Alvar  Nunez 
Cabeza  de  Vaca,  62-73. 

B.  & B.  1. 


Building 
the  boats 
at  the  Bay 
of  Horses. 


The  tools 
used. 


The  mate- 
rials used. 


2 THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 

nor  tow,  nor  resin,  nor  rigging;  and,  above  all,  there 
was  nothing  to  eat  while  building. 

The  next  day  God  willed  it  that  one  of  the  company 
should  come  saying  that  he  could  make  some  pipes 
out  of  wood  and  rig  them  with  deerskins,  to  serve 
as  bellows.  We  told  him  to  set  to  work  and  that  the 
rest  of  us  would  make  nails,  saws,  axes,  and  other 
tools  from  the  stirrups,  spurs,  crossbows,  and  such 
other  iron  things  as  we  had.  For  food  we  decided 
that  every  third  day  a horse  should  be  killed  and  di- 
vided among  those  working  on  the  boats. 


Narvaez  at  the  Bay  of  Horses 

We  commenced  the  boats  on  the  fourth  [of  Au- 
gust, 1528],  and  worked  with  such  diligence  that, 
on  the  20th  of  September,  five  were  finished,  each 
thirty-three  feet  long.  We  caulked  them  with  palm 


A SHIPWRECKED  SPANIARD  IN  TEXAS  3 


fibre  and  pitched  them  with  a kind  of  resin  made 
from  pine  trees  by  a Greek  named  Don  Theodo'ro. 

From  the  husk  of  the  palm  and  from  the  tails  and 
manes  of  the  horses  we  made  ropes  and  riggings; 
from  our  shirts  we  made  sails;  and  from  the  cedars 
growing  there,  oars.  We  flayed  the  horses,  taking 
the  skins  from  their  legs  whole,  and  tanning  them  to 
make  bottles  in  which  to  carry  water. 

By  the  22d  of  the  month  all  but  one  horse  had  been  Coasting 
consumed,  and  on  that  day  we  embarked.  We  con- 
tinued in  company,  eating  a daily  allowance  of  half  a 
handful  of  raw  maize,  until  we  lost  sight  of  each 
other  in  a storm.  The  weather  was  so  bad  that  it 
was  only  God’s  favor  that  kept  us  from  all  going 
down. 

Near  the  dawn  of  day  [on  November  6th  1 it  Cast  on  an 

J J island  off 

seemed  to  me  that  I heard  the  breaking  of  the  surf.  Texas. 

Surprised  at  this,  I called  to  the  master,  who  answered 

me  that  he  believed  we  were  near  the  land.  We 

sounded  and  found  ourselves  in  seven  fathoms.  He 

advised  that  we  should  keep  to  sea  until  sunrise;  so 

I took  an  oar  and  pulled  on  the  land  side  until  we 

were  a league  distant.  Coming  near  the  shore  again, 

a wave  took  us  and  threw  the  boat  out  of  the  water. 

From  the  violence  with  which  she  struck,  nearly  all 

the  people  in  her,  who  were  almost  dead,  were  roused 

to  consciousness.  Finding  themselves  near  the  shore, 

they  began  to  crawl  on  hands  and  feet  to  the  land. 


4 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


Oviedo 
climbs  a 
tree. 


There  we  made  a fire,  parched  some  of  the  maize 
we  had  brought,  and  found  rain-water.  From  the 
warmth  of  the  fire  the  people  recovered  their  senses, 
and  began  to  exert  themselves  a little.  The  day  on 
which  we  arrived  was  the  6th  of  November. 


The  Shipwreck 


After  the  people  had  eaten,  I ordered  Oviedo 
[O-vee-a'-do],  who  had  more  strength  than  any  of  the 
rest,  to  go  to  some  of  the  trees  near  by,  climb  into  one 
of  them  and  look  about  to  try  to  gain  some  knowledge 
of  the  country.  He  did  as  I ordered  and  found  that  we 
were  on  an  island.  He  saw  that  the  land  was  pawed 
up  as  ground  usually  is  where  cattle  range.  For  this 
reason  he  thought  the  country  must  be  inhabited  by 
Christians. 


A SHIPWRECKED  SPANIARD  IN  TEXAS  5 


As  we  were  in  the  condition  I have  described,  en- 
tirely without  provisions  or  the  means  of  carrying 
any,  the  greater  number  of  us  naked,  and  the  weather 
too  severe  for  travel,  we  yielded  to  necessity  and  de- 
cided to  pass  the  winter  where  we  were.  We  also 
agreed  that  four  of  the  strongest  among  us  should  go 
on  to  Pan'uco,  which  we  thought  must  be  near. 

Part  Two 

I was.  obliged  to  remain  with  the  people  of  this 
island  more  than  a year.  But,  because  of  the  hard 
work  they  put  upon  me  and  of  the  harsh  treatment 
that  I received,  the  life  I led  became  unbearable.  Be- 
sides much  other  labor,  I had  to  dig  up  roots  from 
below  the  water,  and  from  among  the  cane  where 
they  grew  in  the  ground.  From  this  work  my  fingers 
became  so  worn  that  if  only  a straw  touched  them 
they  would  bleed.  As  many  of  the  canes  are  broken, 
and  as  I had  to  go  in  the  midst  of  them  nearly  naked, 
they  often  tore  my  flesh. 

I therefore  resolved  to  flee  to  the  people  of  Char- 
ru'co,  who  live  in  the  woods  on  the  mainland,  and  set 
to  contriving  a way  to  get  over  to  them.  When  at  last 
I reached  these  people  affairs  turned  somewhat  more 
in  my  favor.  I began  trading,  and  strove  to  make 
my  employment  profitable.  Through  it  I not  only 
secured  food,  but  also  received  good  treatment.  The 
Indians  would  beg  me  to  go  from  one  place  to  an- 


Forced  to 
remain  on 
the  island. 


Cabeza  en- 
slaved by 
the  Indians. 


He  leaves 
Malhado 
and  be- 
comes a 
peddler. 


6 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


His  wares. 


His  escape 
after  3ix 
years. 


other  for  things  they  needed,  for,  on  account  of  con- 
tinual wars,  they  can  not  go  about  the  country  nor 
trade  much.  With  my  goods  I went  into  the  interior 
as  far  as  I pleased,  and  traveled  along  the  coast  forty 
or  fifty  leagues. 

My  principal  wares  were  cones,  pieces  of  sea-snail, 
conch  shells  used  for  knives,  and  fruit  like  a bean, 

which  they  value  very  highly. 
They  use  it  as  a medicine  and 
in  their  dances  and  festivities. 
Such  were  the  things  I car- 
ried into  the  country.  In  re- 
turn I got  skins,  ochre,  with 
which  they  color  their  faces, 
sinews,  cement,  hard  canes,  of 
which  they  make  arrows,  flint 
for  the  arrow  heads,  and  tas- 
sels of  deer’s  hair. 

This  occupation  suited  me 
well.  It  gave  me  liberty  to 
go  where  I wished,  I was  not 
obliged  to  work,  and  was  no  longer  a slave.  Wherever 
I went  I received  fair  treatment,  and  the  Indians  gave 
me  food  in  order  to  get  my  goods. 

My  main  object  in  going  about  in  this  business  was 
to  find  out  how  to  get  away.  The  hardships  that  I 
endured  while  engaged  in  it,  as  well  of  peril  and 


Indian  Arrow  Heads 


INDIAN  LIFE  IN  TEXAS 


7 


privation  as  of  storms  and  cold,  it  would  take  long  to 
tell.  Oftentimes  misfortunes  overtook  me  when  alone 
and  in  the  wilderness.  But  by  the  great  mercy  of 
God  I came  forth  from  them  all.  I was  in  this  coun- 
try  nearly  six  years,  alone  among  the  Indians  and 
naked  like  them. 


1.  Describe  the  building  of  the  boats  at  the  Bay  of  Horses. 
2.  How  long  did  it  take  to  build  them?  3.  How  long  was  it 
from  the  embarkation  of  the  men  to  the  time  when  they  were 
cast  ashore?  4.  What  do  you  suppose  the  animals  were  that 
pawed  up  the  land  on  the  island?  5.  Describe  the  hardships 
endured  by  Cabeza  while  he  was  a slave.  6.  What  were  his 
wares  while  a peddler?  7.  Who  wrote  this  story?  When? 


2.  Indian  Life  In  Texas 

By  Cabeza  de  Vaca  (1528) 

Part  One.  The  Indians  of  Malhado 

Cabeza  here  tells  of  some  of  the  strange  things  he  saw  while 
he  lived  among  the  Texas  Indians.1 

To  this  island  we  gave  the  name  Mal-ha'-do  [mis-  w< 
fortune].  The  people  we  found  there  are  large  and 
well  formed.  They  have  no  arms  but  bows  and  ar- 
rows, in  the  use  of  which  they  are  very  skillful.  They 
have  their  under  lip  bored  and  wear  in  it  a piece  of 

Adapted  from  Buckingham  Smith.  Relation  of  Alvar  Nunez 
Cabeza  de  Vaca,  75-107,  passim. 


8 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


Mourning 

customs. 


cane  the  breadth  of  half  a finger.  Their  women  are 
accustomed  to  great  toil. 

These  people  love  their  children  more  than  any 
other  people  in  the  world,  and  treat  them  with  the 

greatest  gentleness. 
When  a son  dies  the 
parents  and  kindred 
weep,  and  so  does 
everybody  else.  The 
wailing  for  him  con- 
tinues a whole  year. 
They  begin  before 
dawn  every  day,  the 
parents  first,  and 
after  them  the  whole 
town.  They  do  the 
same  at  noon  and  at 
sunset.  After  a year 
of  mourning  has 
passed,  the  funeral 
rites  are  performed. 
They  mourn  in  this  manner  for  all  the  dead  except 
the  aged.  For  these  they  show  no  regret.  They  say 
their  season  has  passed,  that  they  have  no  pleasure,  and 
that  while  they  live  they  only  occupy  the  earth  and  take 
food  from  the  young  people.  Their  custom  is  to  bury 
all  the  dead,  except  such  persons  as  have  been  physi- 
cians. These  they  burn. 


A Spanish  Conqueror 


INDIAN  LIFE  IN  TEXAS 


9 


When  they  are  sick  they  send  for  a doctor.  He  Curing  the 
cures  by  blowing  his  breath  and  laying  his  hands  upon 
them.  After  he  has  applied  the  remedy  they  give  him 
not  only  all  they  have  themselves,  but  seek  among 
their  relatives  for  more  to  give.  The  doctor  some- 
times makes  a small  cut  over  the  seat  of  the  pain  and 
then  sucks  the  wound.  They  also  make  cauteries 
[burns]  with  fire.  This  is  a remedy  held  in  high 
repute  by  them,  and  I have  tried  it  on  myself  and 
found  it  beneficial.  After  burning  the  sick  man  they 
blow  on  the  spot,  and  then  the  patient  thinks  that  he 
is  relieved. 

The  men  in  all  of  this  region  go  naked.  The  Dress, 
women  cover  part  of  their  bodies  with  wool  that 
grows  on  trees.  The  damsels  dress  themselves  with 
deerskins. 

These  people  have  a custom  of  weeping  half  an  hour  Going 
when  they  meet  or  when  they  go  visiting.  The  weep-  ' isltmg' 
ing  over,  the  one  that  is  visited  rises  and  gives  the 
other  everything  that  he  has,  and  the  guest  accepts  it. 

After  a little  while  the  visitor  carries  the  gift  away, 
often  going  without  saying  a word. 

Part  Two.  The  Indians  of  the  Interior 

Castillo  [Cas-teel'-yo]  and  Stephen  1 went  inland.  F°od  scarce 
The  people  there  are  all  good  archers.  They  have  savory. 

1Castillo  and  Stephen,  the  latter  a negro,  were  two  of  Cabeza’s 
companions. 


10 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


Hard  lot 
of  the 
women. 


Bad  habits. 


fine  forms,  although  they  are  not  so  large  as  those  we 
left  near  the  coast.  Roots  of  two  or  three  kinds  are 
their  principal  food,  and  they  hunt  for  them  over  the 
face  of  all  the  country.  The  roots  are  hard  to  dig. 
They  require  roasting  two  days,  and  then  many  of 
them  are  very  bitter.  Occasionally  they  kill  a deer, 
and  at  times  catch  fish;  but  the  quantity  of  food  thus 
obtained  is  so  small  and  the  hunger  so  great  that 
they  eat  spiders,  the  eggs  of  ants,  worms,  lizards, 
sal'amanders,  snakes,  and  poisonous  vipers.  They 
also  eat  earth  and  wood,  and  I honestly  think  that  if 
there  were  stones  in  their  country  they  would  eat 
them.  They  save  the  bones  of  the  fishes,  snakes,  and 
other  animals  which  they  consume,  so  that  they  may 
afterwards  beat  them  together  and  eat  the  powder. 

The  women  toil  very  hard  and  do  a great  deal  of 
labor.  Of  the  whole  twenty-four  hours  they  have 
only  six  of  the  night  for  repose.  The  rest  of  the 
night  they  pass  in  heating  the  ovens  to  bake  the  roots 
which  they  eat.  At  daybreak  they  begin  to  dig  the 
roots,  bring  wood  and  water  to  their  houses,  and  pre- 
pare other  things  that  may  be  necessary. 

The  majority  of  the  people  are  great  thieves;  for, 
though  they  are  free  to  divide  with  each  other,  on 
turning  the  head,  even  a son  and  a father  will  steal 
from  one  another.  They  are  great  liars,  and  also  great 


INDIAN  LIFE  IN  TEXAS 


11 


drunkards,  which  they  become  from  drinking  a cer- 
tain liquor. 

These  Indians  are  so  used  to  running  that  with-  Endurance, 
out  rest  or  fatigue  they  can  follow  a deer  from  morn- 
ing till  night.  In  this  way  they  kill  many  of  them. 


An  Old  Spanish  Picture 


They  pursue  them  until  tired  down  and  then  overtake 
them  in  the  race.  Their  houses  are  of  matting  placed 
upon  four  hoops.  They  move  every  two  or  three 
days  to  look  for  food,  carrying  their  houses  on  their 
backs. 

They  are  a merry  people,  considering  the  hunger 
they  suffer,  for  they  never  cease  their  festivities.  They 
plant  nothing  for  food.  To  them  the  happiest  time 
of  the  year  is  the  season  of  eating  prickly  pears,  for 
then  they  are  hungry  no  longer,  but  eat  day  and  night, 
and  pass  all  the  time  in  dancing.  They  squeeze  out 
the  juice  of  the  pears,  open  them,  and  set  them  to  dry. 


12 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


Buffaloes. 


When  dry  they  are  packed  in  baskets  like  figs.  The 
peel  is  beaten  to  powder. 

Inland  there  are  many  deer,  birds,  and  beasts  other 
than  those  I have  spoken  of.  Cattle  come  as  far  as 
the  seacoast  from  a northerly  direction,  and  range 
through  a tract  of  more  than  four  hundred  leagues. 
Three  times  I have  seen  them  and  eaten  of  their  meat. 
To  my  judgment  the  flesh  is  finer  and  fatter  than  that 
of  this  country.  I think  they  are  about  the  size  of 
cattle  in  Spain.  They  have  small  horns  like  the  cows 
of  Morocco.  Their  hair  is  very  long  and  flocky  like 
Merino  wool.  Some  are  tawny,  others  black.  Of 
the  skins  of  those  not  full  grown  the  Indians  make 
blankets,  and  of  the  larger  ones  they  make  shoes  and 
bucklers.  Throughout  the  whole  region  over  which 
they  run  the  people  live  upon  them,  distributing  a vast 
number  of  hides  into  the  interior  country. 

1.  Describe  the  mourning  customs  of  the  Indians  of  Malhado; 
their  methods  of  hunting  deer.  2.  Why  did  not  the  Indians 
mourn  the  death  of  old  people?  3.  What  do  you  suppose  it  was 
that  Cabeza  de  Vaca  called  “wool  that  grows  on  trees?”  4.  Was 
Indian  life  in  early  Texas  easy  and  comfortable?  5.  Compare  it 
with  that  described  in  Cooper’s  Leather  Stocking  Tales.  6.  De- 
scribe the  shape  of  some  of  the  arrow  heads  shown  in  the  picture 
on  page  6.  Draw  one  of  them. 


MARCH  ACROSS  THE  TEXAS  PLAINS  13 


3.  Coronado’s  March  Across  Texas 

By  Castaneda  (1541) 

Part  One 

Corona'do  was  a Spaniard  who  had  come  from  Mexico  to  find 
the  famed  “Seven  Cities  of  Cibola,”  whose  streets  were  said  to 
be  paved  with  gold.  After  finding  the  cities,  but  no  gold,  he 
pushed  on  in  search  of  another  country  called  Quivira,  about 
which  the  Indians  told  wonderful  stories.  During  the  march, 
described  here,  the  party  very  probably  went  through  a large 
portion  of  Texas.  Before  turning  back  they  wandered  as  far 
as  Kansas,  but  found  there  only  a miserable  village  of  tents. 
Castaneda  [Kas-tan-ya'-da] , the  writer  of  this  account,1  was  with 
the  company.  The  story  told  herein  by  “The  Turk”  is  an  exam- 
ple of  the  tales  by  which  the  early  Spaniards  were  so  often 
misled. 

While  they  were  making  these  discoveries,  some  In- 
dians came  to  Ci'bolo  [in  New  Mexico]  from  a village 
called  Cicu'ye,  seventy  leagues  east  of  this  province. 
Among  them  was  a captain  [chief]  whom  our  men 
called  Whiskers,  because  he  wore  a long  moustache. 
He  was  a tall,  well-built  young  fellow,  with  a fine 
figure.  They  brought  presents  of  tanned  hides,  shields, 
and  head-pieces,  which  were  very  gladly  accepted.  The 
general  gave  them  in  return  some  glass  dishes  and  a 
number  of  pearls  and  little  bells  which  they  prized 
highly,  because  they  had  never  seen  such  things  be- 
fore. They  described  some  animals  which,  from  a 

Adapted  from  Account  of  the  Expedition  to  Cibola,  by  Pedro 
de  Castaneda,  in  the  Fourteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of 
Ethnology. 


Whiskers 
tells  of  cows 
with  woolly 
hides. 


14 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


A pueblo. 


The  Turk’s 
story. 


picture  that  one  of  them  had  painted  on  his  skin,  ap- 
peared to  be  cows,  although  from  the  hides  this  did 
not  seem  possible,  because  the  hair  was  woolly  and 
snarled. 

The  general  was  much  relieved  to  hear  that  the 
country  was  growing  better.  He  reached  Cicuye,  a 
very  strong  village  four  stories  high.  The  people 
came  out  with  signs  of  joy  to  welcome  Alvara'do  and 


An  Indian  Pueblo 

their  own  captain,  and  escorted  them  into  the  town 
with  drums  and  pipes,  something  like  flutes.  They 
made  many  presents  of  cloth  and  of  turquoises,  which 
are  very  plentiful  in  that  region. 

The  Spaniards  enjoyed  themselves  here  for  several 
days.  They  talked  with  an  Indian  slave,  a native  of 
the  country  toward  Florida,  the  region  discovered  by 


MARCH  ACROSS  THE  TEXAS  PLAINS  15 


De  Soto.  They  called  this  Indian  the  Turk,  be- 
cause he  looked  like  one.  He  said  that  in  his  country 
there  was  a river  two  leagues  wide  running  through 

a level  plain.  In  it  there  were  fish  as  large  as  horses.  as  big 

. as  horses. 

Upon  it  floated  many  immense  boats  with  sails,  each 
boat  having  more  than  twenty  rowers  on  a side.  The 
captains  of  these  boats  sat  under  awnings  at  the  stern, 
and  on  the  prow  of  each  there  perched  a great  golden 
eagle.  The  ruler  of  the  country,  he  said,  took  his 


afternoon  nap  under  a large  tree  on  which  hung  a 
great  number  of  little  gold  bells,  that  put  him  to  sleep 
as  they  swung  in  the  air.  He  said  also  that  in  his 
country  everyone  had  his  ordinary  dishes  made  of 
wrought  plate,  and  that  the  jugs  and  bowls  were  of 
gold.  He  called  gold  aco'chis.  For  the  present  he 
was  believed,  because  of  the  ease  with  which  he  told 
his  story,  and  because  he  knew  gold  and  silver  very 
well,  and  did  not  care  anything  about  other  metals. 


The  Earliest  Known  Picture  of  a Buffalo  (1554) 


The  Turk  is 
distrusted. 


The  start 
for  Quivira. 


A stampede. 


16  THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 

There  were  some  in  the  army,  however,  who  al- 
ready distrusted  the  Turk.  A Spaniard  named  Cer- 
van'tes,  who  had  charge  of  him  during  the  siege,  sol- 
emnly swore  that  he  had  seen  him  talking  with  the 
Devil  in  a pitcher  of  water.  He  also  said  that  while 
he  had  him  under  lock,  so  that  no  one  could  speak  to 
him,  the  Turk  had  asked  what  Christians  had  been 
killed  by  the  people  of  Ti'guex  [where  a fight  had 
occurred].  When  told  “nobody,”  he  answered:  “You 
lie!  five  Christians  are  dead,  including  a captain.” 
Cervantes  knew  that  this  was  true,  and  he  confessed 
it,  so  as  to  find  out  who  had  told  him  about  it.  But 
the  Turk  said  he  knew  it  all  by  himself,  and  that  he 
did  not  need  to  be  told.  It  was  on  account  of  this 
incident  that  we  watched  him  and  caught  him  speak- 
ing to  the  Devil  in  the  pitcher,  as  I have  said. 

Part  Two 

The  army  left  Tiguex  on  the  5th  of  May,  and,  tak- 
ing Whiskers  with  them,  proceeded  toward  the  plains, 
which  are  on  the  other  side  of  the  mountains. 

The  general  sent  Diego  [Dee-a'-go]  Lopez  with  ten 
companions  lightly  equipped  and  a guide  to  go  at 
full  speed  toward  the  sunrise  for  two  days.  They 
came  across  many  cattle,  and  those  who  were  on  the 
advance  guard  killed  a large  number.  As  the  cattle 
fled  they  trampled  one  another  in  their  haste.  When 
they  came  to  a ravine  so  many  fell  into  it  that  they 


MARCH  ACROSS  THE  TEXAS  PLAINS  17 


filled  it  up,  and  the  rest  crossed  over  them.  The  men 
who  were  chasing  them  on  horseback  also  fell  in 
among  the  cattle  before  they  noticed  where  they  were 
going.  Three  of  the  horses  that  fell  in,  all  saddled 
and  bridled,  were  lost  sight  of  completely. 

The  general  sent  Maldona'do,  with  his  company, 
forward  from  here.  He  traveled  four  days  and 
reached  an  extensive  ravine  like  those  of  Coli'ma,  in 
the  bottom  of  which  he  found  a large  settlement  of 
people.  Cabeza  de  Vaca  had  passed  through  this 
place. 

While  the  army  was  resting  here  a storm  came  up 
one  afternoon  with  a very  high  wind  and  hail.  In 
a short  space  of  time  a great  quantity  of  hailstones  as 
big  as  bowls  or  bigger  fell  as  thick  as  raindrops.  In 
places  they  covered  the  ground  two  or  three  spans 
or  more  deep.  There  was  not  a horse  that  did  not 
break  away,  except  two  or  three  which  the  negroes 
protected  by  holding  large  sea  nets  over  them.  Some 
of  them  dashed  up  the  sides  of  the  ravine  and  were 
brought  down  only  with  great  difficulty.  The  hail 
broke  many  tents,  battered  many  helmets,  wounded 
many  of  the  horses,  and  broke  all  the  gourds  and  the 
crockery  of  the  army.  This  was  no  small  loss,  be- 
cause they  do  not  have  any  crockery  nor  raise  gourds 
in  this  region.  Neither  do  they  sow  corn,  nor  eat 
bread;  but  instead  they  eat  fruit  and  raw  meat — or 

meat  only  half  cooked. 

B.  & B.  2. 


News  of 
Cabeza  de 
Vaca. 


Hailstones 
as  big  as 
bowls. 


Quivira  Was  Always  Just  Beyond, 


MARCH  ACROSS  THE  TEXAS  PLAINS  19 


The  people  here  are  called  Querechos  [Ka-ra'-chos] 
and  Teyas  [Ta'-yas].  They  travel  like  the  Arabs, 
with  troops  of  dogs  loaded  with  tents  and  tent  poles. 
The  loads  are  fastened  to  Moorish  pack  saddles  with 
girths.  When  a load  becomes  disarranged,  the  dogs 
howl,  calling  some  one  to  fix  them  right.  They  are  a 
kind  people,  are  not  cruel,  and  are  faithful  friends. 
They  are  able  to  make  themselves  very  well  under- 
stood by  means  of  signs.  They  eat  raw  flesh  and 
drink  blood,  but  do  not  eat  human  flesh.1  They  dry  the 
meat  they  eat  in  the  sun,  cutting  it  thin  like  a leaf. 
When  it  is  dry  they  grind  it  like  meal  to  keep  it,  and 
make  a sort  of  sea  soup  of  it  to  eat.  They  season  it 
with  fat,  which  they  always  try  to  secure  when  they 
kill  a cow.  They  cut  the  hide  of  a cow  open  at  the 
back  and  pull  it  off  at  the  joints,  using  a flint  as  large 
as  a finger,  tied  in  a little  stick.  They  do  this  with 
as  much  ease  as  if  working  with  a good  iron  tool,  and 
their  quickness  is  something  worth  seeing.  They 
sharpen  the  flint  with  their  own  teeth. 

Oh,  gay  they  rode  with  plume  on  crest  and  gilded 
spur  at  heel, 

With  gonfalon  of  Aragon  and  banner  of  Castile! 
While  High  Emprise  and  Joyous  Youth,  twin  mar- 
shals of  the  throng, 

Awoke  Sonora’s  mountain  peaks  with  trumpet  note 
and  song. 

'Some  of  the  Texas  Indians  were  cannibals,  even  to  a very 
recent  time.  See  page  91. 


Habits  of 
the  plain 
Indians. 


Something 

worth 

seeing. 


20  THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 

Two  thousand  miles  of  hardship  behind  their  banners 
lay. 

And  sadly  fever,  drought,  and  toil  had  lessened  their 
array, 

When  came  a message  fraught  with  hope  to  all  the 
steadfast  band : 

‘‘Good  tidings  from  the  northward,  friends!  Quivi'ra 
lies  at  hand !” 


How  joyously  they  spurred  them!  How  sadly  drew 
the  rein! 

There  shone  no  golden  palace,  there  blazed  no  jeweled 
fane! 

Rude  tents  of  hide  of  bison,  dog-guarded,  met  their 
view — 

A squalid  Indian  village;  the  lodges  of  the  Sioux! 


1.  What  was  the  object  of  Coronado’s  march  across  Texas? 
2.  What  presents  were  given  by  the  people  of  Cicuye  to  the 
Spaniards?  3.  Describe  their  musical  instruments.  4.  What 
kind  of  precious  stones  did  they  give  to  the  Spaniards?  5.  De- 
scribe the  habits  of  the  Indians  seen  by  the  Spaniards  while  on 
the  plains.  6.  Criticise  the  pictures  of  buffaloes  given  on  pages 
11  and  15.  Why  were  they  so  badly  drawn? 


LA  SALLE  AT  AN  INDIAN  RECEPTION  21 


4.  La  Salle  at  an  Indian  Reception 

By  Joutel  ( 1685) 

In  the  spring  of  1682  La  Salle  left  Canada  and  explored  the 
Mississippi  River.  He  then  returned  to  France  and  got  permis- 
sion from  the  king,  Louis  XIV.,  to  make  a settlement  at  the 
mouth  of  the  river.  On  his  way  back  a storm  blew  him  out  of 
his  course  and  he  landed  on  the  coast  of  Texas,  near  the  present 
town  of  Matagorda.  Joutel,  who  writes  this  account,1  was  one 
of  La  Salle’s  officers. 

La  Salle  noticed  on  the  bank  of  the  river  a large 
tree  that  he  thought  would  do  to  make  a canoe.  He 
sent  seven  or  eight  men  to  cut  it  down.  Some  hours 
later  we  were  surprised  to  see  two  of  the  men  run- 
ning up,  all  out  of  breath  and  nearly  frightened  to 
death.  They  said  that  a band  of  savages  had  almost 
captured  them,  and  that  they  believed  that  their  com- 
panions had  been  taken.  At  this  news  La  Salle  or- 
dered us  to  seize  our  arms  and  go  to  see  about  it. 

The  Indians  were  coming  towards  us,  but  when 
they  saw  us  marching  along,  all  armed  and  with  the 
drum  beating,  they  turned  round  and  seemed  about  to 
run  away.  They  thought  we  were  going  to  fight  with 
them.  As  soon  as  La  Salle  understood  this,  he  had 
some  of  us  lay  down  our  arms.  After  doing  so  we 
started  toward  them  and  made  signs  for  them  to  come 
to  us.  When  they  saw  that  we  were  now  unarmed, 


translated  from  Joutel’s  Journal , in  Margry,  Decouvertes  et 
fitablissements  des  Frangais,  III,  149-159,  passim. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  4-6;  Garrison,  21-22. 


A terrible 
fright. 


The  Indians 
are  friendly. 


22 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


A strange 
greeting. 


Entertain- 
ing the 
chiefs. 


A visit  to 
the  Indians. 


they  also  laid  aside  their  weapons  and  came  to  meet 
us.  They  greeted  us  in  their  own  way.  They  would 
strike  their  breasts  and  then  rub  their  hands  over  our 
breasts  and  arms.  They  made  signs  of  friendship, 
and  by  holding  their  hands  on  their  hearts  they 
showed  us  that  they  were  very  glad  to  see  us.  We 
returned  their  salutation  in  somewhat  the  same  way. 

After  a little  while  we  again  took  the  road  to  camp. 
Six  or  seven  chiefs  went  with  us,  and  La  Salle  or- 
dered some  of  our  men  to  stay  with  the  Indians  as 
hostages.  When  we  arrived  La  Salle  had  the  chiefs 
sit  down  and  gave  them  something  to  eat  and  drink. 
Then  he  tried  to  talk  with  them  and  find  out  some- 
thing about  the  Mississippi  River,  but  he  could  not 
understand  anything  they  said.  They  soon  showed 
that  they  wanted  to  leave,  so  La  Salle  gave  them  some 
hatchets  and  a few  trinkets,  and  they  departed,  very 
happy  over  their  presents. 

We  found  that  the  Indians  had  taken  our  men  to 
their  village,  about  a league  and  a half  away,  and  La 
Salle  determined  to  go  and  look  for  them.  We  found 
their  village  built  on  a hill.  There  were  about  fifty 
wigwams  covered  with  rush  mats  and  dried  buffalo 
hides.  They  were  built  of  large  poles,  bent  in  the 
shape  of  staves.  Upon  our  arrival,  after  taking  La 
Salle  to  the  cabin  of  the  principal  chief,  they  wanted 
to  lead  us  around  to  their  huts,  but  we  had  been 
warned  not  to  separate,  so  we  remained  with  La  Salle. 


LA  SALLE  AT  AN  INDIAN  RECEPTION  23 


We  saw  many  women.  They  were  all  nude,  except 
for  a skin  tied  round  their  waists  and  hanging  to  the 

knees.  They  had 
some  good  features, 
but  were  not  very 
handsome.  The  men 
were  entirely  naked. 
The  women  brought 
us  some  fresh  meat 
and  porpoise.  I was 
amazed  to  see  how 
they  cut  the  meat. 
They  put  their  feet 
on  it  and  held  it  with 
one  hand  while  they 
cut  it  with  the  other.  One  does  not  need  to  be  very 
polite  with  people  of  such  manners.  They  brought  us 
many  pieces  of  porpoise  to  take  back  to  camp,  but  in 
spite  of  this  kind  reception  we  soon  took  our  leave. 

Some  days  after  this,  seeing  a wigwam  near  the 
shore  of  a lake,  we  approached  and  found  in  it  an  old 
woman.  She  started  to  run  away  when  she  saw  us, 
but  we  caught  her  and  made  her  understand  that  we 
would  not  hurt  her.  She  returned  to  the  wigwam, 
where  we  found  several  pitchers  of  water.  This  we 
drank.  In  a little  while  we  saw  a canoe  coming,  and 
in  it  were  two  women  and  a boy.  They  landed,  and 
seeing  that  we  had  not  harmed  the  old  woman,  they 


Little  to 
eat,  nothing 
to  wear,  but 
generous 
withal. 


A strange 
way  to  say 
“How  do 
you  do?” 


24 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


came  up  and  embraced  us  in  a peculiar  way.  They 
blew  on  our  ears,  and  told  us  by  signs  that  their  peo- 
ple had  gone  hunting.  A few  minutes  later  seven  or 
eight  Indians  appeared.  It  is  probable  that  they  had 
hidden  in  the  weeds  when  they  first  saw  us  coming. 
They  saluted  us  the  same  way  that  the  women  had 
done,  and  this  made  us  laugh.  After  staying  with 
them  a short  while,  we  returned  to  camp. 

1.  How  was  La  Salle  received  by  the  Indians  in  Texas?  2. 
Describe  the  appearance  of  the  village  that  he  visited.  3.  What 
did  the  Indians  have  to  eat?  4.  Compare  the  Indians  seen  by  La 
Salle  with  those  seen  by  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  Coronado. 


5.  Life  at  Fort  St.  Louis 

By  Joutel  (1685-1687) 

After  landing  in  Texas  La  Salle  built  forts  to  protect  his 
party  from  the  Indians  while  he  was  hunting  for  the  Mississippi. 
A temporary  fort  was  first  built  on  the  bay  shore,  but  later 
a more  substantial  one  was  built  several  miles  inland  on  the 
Lavaca  River.1 

A temporary  When  Beaujeu  [Bo-zhuh']  was  gone,  it  occurred  to 
us  to  build  a kind  of  fort,  so  that  we  could  defend  our- 
selves and  the  things  saved  from  the  wreck  of  the 
ship  from  the  attacks  of  the  Indians.  We  built  the 
fort  of  pieces  of  timber,  planks,  and  other  material 
taken  from  the  wrecked  ship.  When  the  work  was 
well  under  way,  La  Salle  determined  to  take  a num- 
ber of  men  and  look  for  a suitable  place  to  make  a 

AFrom  Joutel’s  Journal,  in  Margry,  III,  162-191. 

Read  Penny  backer,  4-6;  Garrison,  22-23. 


LIFE  AT  FORT  ST.  LOUIS 


25 


settlement  and  plant  corn  and  other  grain  which  had 
been  brought  along.  After  doing  this  he  intended  to 
try  to  find  out  something  about  the  Mississippi,  and 
see  whether  or  not  it  flowed  into  this  bay  [Mata- 
gorda] . 

While  La  Salle  was  preparing  some  canoes  which 
had  been  taken  from  the  Indians,  we  made  an  oven 
out  of  the  clay  that  we  found  there.  This  served  very 
well.  We  had  no  bricks,  because  those  brought  from 
Hayti  were  buried  in  the  hold  of  the  ship  that  was 
wrecked.  Along  with  them  were  our  bullets  and 
cannon,  the  most  of  our  lead,  the  millstones,  the  anvil, 
a large  part  of  our  iron  and  steel,  and  several 
cases  of  arms, — both  muskets  and  pistols, — besides 
fourteen  or  fifteen  tons  of  salt  and  other  merchandise 
which  had  been  brought  along. 

When  the  canoes  were  ready,  La  Salle  chose  forty 
or  fifty  men  to  go  with  him.  He  left  the  command 
of  the  fort  to  me,  and  to  Le  Gros  [Le-gro']  he  gave 
the  duty  of  distributing  the  rations.  About  a hun- 
dred or  a hundred  and  twenty  persons  remained  in 
the  fort.  Some  of  them  died  every  day  of  scurvy/ 
home-sickness,  and  other  ills.  There  seemed  to  be  a 
curse  upon  our  mechanics. 

During  La  Salle’s  absence  I occupied  myself  in  fin- 
ishing the  fort  and  putting  it  in  a condition  to  with- 
stand the  Indians  who  often  came  prowling  around 
us,  howling  like  wolves  and  dogs.  Three  or  four 


Building 
an  oven. 


Men  dying 
every  "day. 


Howling 

Indians. 


26 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


Squaring 
logs  for  a 
new  fort. 


Good 

fishing. 


How  the 
sun  makes 
salt. 


musket  shots  usually  put  them  to  flight.  But  it  hap- 
pened one  night  that  six  or  seven  shots  were  fired, 
and  La  Salle,  who  was  not  far  from  us,  heard  them. 
He  was  worried,  and  came  back  with  seven  or  eight 
men,  but  found  everything  all  right. 

He  told  us  that  he  had  found  a beautiful  place,  good 
for  sowing  and  planting  all  kinds  of  grain,  and  abound- 
ing in  buffaloes  and  wild  fowls.  He  said  that  he 
wanted  to  build  a fort  farther  inland.  For  this  pur- 
pose he  ordered  me  to  gather  up  the  timber  that  the 
sea  cast  on  the  beach,  and  square  as  much  of  it  as 
I could  get.  He  then  returned  to  the  camp  where 
he  had  left  his  men,  and  I began  to  square  the  logs 
on  the  shore. 

One  day  I noticed  that  the  water  was  bubbling  up, 
and  found  that  it  was  caused  by  some  kind  of  fish 
jumping  about.  I had  a net  brought  to  me,  and  we 
caught  an  enormous  quantity.  Among  them  were 
catfish,  mullets,  and  some  others  about  the  size  of  a 
herring.  For  several  days  we  had  good  cheer  with 
them.  We  often  fished  in  this  way,  and  the  fish  were 
very  useful  to  us  for  food. 

By  good  luck  we  also  discovered  that,  in  the  little 
salt-water  pools  scattered  around,  salt  was  made  by 
the  sun.  I saw  that  a white  scum  was  formed  on  the 
water,  and  every  two  days  I had  this  skimmed  off. 
It  proved  to  be  very  white  and  very  good  salt.  I col- 


BOSTON  COLLEGE  LIBRARY 
CHESTNUT  HILL,  MASS. 

LIFE  AT  FORT  ST.  LOUIS  27 

lected  a great  deal  of  it,  and  it  also  was  very  useful 
to  us. 

Towards  the  middle  of  July  the  bark  la  Belle  came  PrePanng 

J J to  move. 

to  anchor  near  our  camp.  It  brought  orders  from  La 
Salle.  He  instructed  me  to  make  a raft,  if  possible, 


La  Salle’s  Landing  in  Texas 


of  the  timber  that  I had  squared,  but  if  this  could  not 
be  done  I was  to  bury  in  the  sand  both  the  logs  and 
the  planks  of  which  the  fort  was  built,  in  order  to 
conceal  from  the  Spanish  our  presence  in  the  country. 
We  began  the  raft,  but  the  weather  became  so  stormy 


28 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


A sad  pros- 
pect. 


Building 
Fort  St. 
Louis. 


that  I had  to  abandon  the  work.  We  took  to  pieces 
what  had  been  put  together,  and  hid  the  timber  from 
the  Indians  as  well  as  we  could  in  the  sand.  We  then 
joined  La  Salle  where  he  had  resolved  to  make  his 
new  settlement. 

Here  I was  astonished  to  find  everything  in  such 
bad  condition.  The  seed  and  grain  that  had  been 
planted  had  almost  all  either  been  ruined  by  the 
drought  or  eaten  by  animals.  Several  men  were  dead. 
A number  were  sick.  There  was  no  shelter  except  a 
little  square  place  staked  in,  where  the  powder  and 
some  casks  of  brandy  were  kept.  Everything  was  in 
a miserable  way. 

It  was  necessary  to  build  a fort,  but  it  was  not  easy 
to  find  the  timber.  A league  up  the  country  there  was 
a little  wood,  where  some  could  be  got,  but  we  had 
neither  wagons  nor  horses  to  haul  it.  Nevertheless, 
La  Salle  sent  some  men  there  to  go  to  work. 

Trees  were  cut  down  and  squared.  Some  of  them 
were  dragged  to  camp  over  the  grass  and  weeds  that 
covered  the  prairie,  but  later  we  used  a gun  carriage 
to  haul  them.  This  labor  was  so  hard  that  even  the 
strongest  men  were  exhausted.  The  hard  work  and 
scant  food  caused  some  of  the  men  to  become  ill.  I 
suggested  to  La  Salle  that  it  would  be  better  to  go 
after  the  timber  that  we  had  squared  on  the  sea  shore. 
There  was  a good  deal  of  it,  and  it  could  have  been 
brought  by  water  without  tiring  the  men,  but,  as  he 


LIFE  AT  FORT  ST.  LOUIS 


29 


had  said  a number  of  times  before,  he  wanted  no  ad- 
vice. So  the  work  was  continued,  and  many  men 
died;  but  finally  enough  timber  was  hauled  and  drag- 
ged to  the  place  to  build  the  fort. 

La  Salle  now  desired  to  go  in  search  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi. He  placed  me  in  command  during  his  ab- 
sence, and  gave  me  an  inventory  of  everything  in  the 
fort.  There  were  eight  cannons,  two  hundred  fire- 
locks, as  many  cutlasses,  a hundred  barrels  of  powder, 
three  thousand  pounds  of  musket  balls,  about  three 
hundred  pounds  of  other  lead,  some  bars  of  iron, 
twenty  bundles  of  iron  to  make  nails,  and  some  tools, 
such  as  hatchets.  As  for  provisions,  there  were  only 
twenty  casks  of  meal,  a cask  and  a half  of  wine,  three- 
fourths  of  a cask  of  brandy,  some  hogs,  a cock  and 
a hen. 

Knowing  that  idleness  often  occasions  restlessness 
and  impatience,  I tried  in  every  way  to  keep  the  men 
busy.  Some  of  them  I set  to  cutting  down  the  bushes 
around  the  fort,  others  to  felling  trees  that  obstructed 
the  view,  and  still  others  to  mowing  the  grass,  so  that 
fresh  grass  might  grow.  At  night  I made  them 
amuse  themselves  with  singing  and  dancing. 

1.  Where  was  La  Salle’s  first  settlement  made?  2.  Why  did 
he  decide  to  move?  3.  Locate  Fort  St.  Louis.  4.  Describe  the 
building  of  the  fort.  5.  What  supplies  did  the  fort  contain? 
6.  Upon  what  did  the  inmates  live?  7.  Why  were  they  kept 
always  busy?  8.  How  did  they  get  timber  to  build?  9.  How 
did  they  get  salt? 


What  the 
fort  con- 
tained. 


No  idlers 
allowed. 


30  THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


Prepara- 

tions. 


A sad  fare- 
well. 


A bitter 
disap- 
pointment. 


6.  Fatal  Search  for  the  Mississippi1 

By  Joutel  (1687) 

La  Salle  decided  to  make  another  attempt  to  find 
the  Mississippi  River,  and  he  wanted  me  to  go  with 
him.  He  began  to  provide  by  degrees  what  he  thought 
he  would  need  on  the  expedition.  I had  two  sheets, 
and  these  he  took  to  make  clothes.  We  also  made 
clothes  of  the  sails  of  la  Belle.  Besides  this,  Duhaut 
[Du-6']  had  some  linen,  and  La  Salle  distributed  it 
among  several  persons. 

On  the  1 2th  of  January,  1687,  seventeen  of  us  set 
out.  To  our  friends  in  the  fort  we  said  farewell  as 
affectionately  as  if  we  had  foreseen  that  we  should 
never  see  each  other  again.  Father  Zeno'bius  told  me 
that  he  had  never  in  his  life  before  been  so  deeply 
affected  by  a parting. 

The  first  of  March  we  met  some  Indians.  On  a 
former  trip  La  Salle  had  hid  some  corn  and  beans 
two  or  three  leagues  from  this  place,  and,  since  our 
provisions  were  now  running  short,  he  thought  it  best 
to  send  for  them.  He  described  the  place,  and  or- 
dered Duhaut,  Hiens  [E-an'],  and  Liotot  [L’yo-to'], 
the  surgeon,  to  go  with  his  Indian  guide  and  his  own 

^rom  Joutel’s  Journal , in  Margry,  III,  258-321,  passim.  Free 
use  has  been  made  in  this  selection  of  Shea’s  translation  printed 
in  French,  Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana,  I,  85-194. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  6-8;  Garrison,  24. 


FATAL  SEARCH  FOR  THE  MISSISSIPPI  31 


servant,  Saget  [Sa-zha'],  to  get  them.  But  they  found 
them  all  rotted  and  ruined. 

On  their  return  they  came  across  two  buffaloes,  and 
the  Indian  killed  them.  They  sent  the  servant  back 
to  tell  La  Salle  that  they  would  dry  the  flesh,  and  that 
he  could  send  horses  for  it.  La  Salle  accordingly  or- 
dered Moranger  [Mo-ron-zha']  and  De  Male  [De- 
mar]  to  go  with  the  servant  and  bring  back  a load  of 
the  meat  immediately. 

When  Moranger  arrived  he  found  that  they  were 
smoking  both  of  the  buffaloes,  but  that  they  were  not 
yet  dry  enough.  The  marrow  bones  and  other  parts 
that  could  not  be  saved  had  been  laid  aside  to  be 
roasted.  Moranger  found  fault  with  this.  In  a great 
passion  he  seized  both  the  meat  and  the  bones,  and 
declared  that  they  should  not  eat  as  much  of  them  as 
they  had  expected. 

These  men  already  had  other  causes  of  complaint 
against  Moranger,  and  this  behavior  made  them  very 
angry.  They  decided  upon  a bloody  revenge — the 
murder  of  Moranger,  the  servant,  and  the  Indian. 
They  waited  until  night,  when  the  unfortunate 
wretches  had  eaten  supper  and  were  asleep.  Then 
Liotot,  the  inhuman  executioner,  took  an  ax  and  be- 
gan with  Moranger.  He  crushed  his  head  with  many 
blows  of  the  ax,  and  then  did  the  same  with  the  serv- 
ant and  the  Indian,  while  his  fellow  villains  stood  on 
guard  ready  to  shoot  if  any  of  them  resisted. 


Better 

luck. 


An  unfor- 
tunate 
quarrel. 


A brutal 
slaughter. 


32 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


Plotting 
against  La 
Salle. 


This  massacre  did  not  satisfy  them.  To  save  them- 
selves from  punishment  they  decided  that  they  would 
have  to  kill  La  Salle.  But  between  them  and  us  there 


The  Death  of  La  Salle 


was  a river  which  was  swollen  and  difficult  to  cross, 
so  they  delayed  during  the  18th  and  19th.  La  Salle, 
in  the  meantime,  became  very  uneasy  about  Moranger 
and  resolved  to  go  and  look  for  him. 


FATAL  SEARCH  FOR  THE  MISSISSIPPI  33 


When  he  came  near  the  camp  of  the  murderers  he  The  de^, 

of  La  Salle. 

saw  some  buzzards  fluttering  around  and  fired  a shot 
at  them.  The  murderers  heard  the  shot  and  concludea 
that  it  was  La  Salle  coming  after  them.  They  pre- 
pared to  waylay  him.  Duhaut  and  Larcheveque 
[Lar-sheh-vek']  crossed  the  river.  Then  Duhaut 
went  ahead  and  hid  himself  in  the  high  weeds  to  wait 
for  him  to  pass.  La  Salle  suspected  nothing,  and  did 
not  even  load  his  gun  again.  He  saw  Larcheveque 
a good  way  off,  and  immediately  asked  him  about  his 
nephew,  Moranger.  Larcheveque  told  him  that  he 
was  down  the  river,  and  at  the  same  moment  Duhaut 
shot  La  Salle  through  the  head.  He  dropped  dead 
on  the  spot,  without  speaking  a word.  This  is  the 
exact  account  of  this  murder  as  it  was  soon  after- 
wards told  to  me  by  Father  Anastasius. 

1.  Why  did  La  Salle  want  to  find  the  Mississippi  ? 2.  How 

many  expeditions  did  he  make  in  search  of  it?  3.  How  many 
men  accompanied  La  Salle  on  his  second  expedition?  4.  How 
many  returned  with  him?  5.  State  the  events  leading  up  to 
La  Salle’s  murder.  6.  From  whom  did  Joutel  hear  the  details 
of  La  Salle’s  murder?  7.  Upon  what  did  the  French  govern- 
ment base  its  claim  to  Texas?  8.  Compare  the  picture  showing 
the  murder  of  La  Salle  with  Joutel’s  story.  What  is  wrong  with 
the  picture?  9.  Who  wrote  these  three  stories  about  La  Salle? 

10.  Was  he  a good  witness? 


3. 


An  Indian 
tells  of 
some 

white  men. 


34  THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 

7.  The  Spaniards  Find  Fort  St.  Louis 

By  Damian  Manzanet  (1689) 

The  stories  told  in  this  and  the  next  three  pieces  are  parts  of 
a letter1  written  to  a friend  by  Father  Manzanet,  who  went  to 
Texas  with  the  expeditions  that  he  describes.  He  had  charge  of 
the  missionary  work,  and  founded  the  first  mission  in  Texas. 

My  Dear  Don  Carlos  : The  following  is  the 

story  for  which  you  ask  me,  of  the  discovery  of  the 
bay  of  Espir'itu  Santo  and  the  river  of  the  Tejas2 
[Ta'-has]  : 

Knowing  that  his  Excellency  [the  viceroy  of  Mex- 
ico] was  taking  steps  to  lead  to  the  discovery  of  the 
bay  of  Espiritu  Santo,  and  find  out  whether  any 
Frenchmen  were  there,  I tried  to  learn  from  the  In- 
dians coming  from  the  interior  whether  they  knew 
where  there  dwelt  white  men  like  the  Spaniards.  In 
time  I learned  that  there  were  some.  He  who  told 
me  was  an  Indian  whom  I had  converted  a little  be- 
fore. Just  at  this  time  there  came  another  Indian, 
of  the  Querns  nation,  who  told  me  that  he  had  been 
in  the  very  houses  of  the  French.  There  were  many 
of  them,  he  said,  including  women.  They  were  well 
armed,  and  had  some  very  large  fire-arms  (referring 
to  the  cannons).  On  my  asking  whether  he  were 


’From  the  Quarterly  of  the  Texas  State  Historical  Association, 
II,  281-312.  Adapted  from  the  translation  by  Professor  Lilia  M. 
Casis,  of  the  University  of  Texas. 

2Tejas  [Ta'-has]  is  an  old  Spanish  form  for  Texas. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  11-12;  Garrison,  26-28. 


SPANIARDS  FIND  FORT  ST.  LOUIS  35 


well  acquainted  with  the  country,  he  replied  that,  if  I 
wished,  he  would  take  me  to  the  place. 

At  this  time  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon  became  cap-  CaPtain 

Leon. 

tain  of  the  presidio  [fort]  of  Coahuila  [Co-a-weel'-a]. 

Now,  before  going  out  to  his  presidio  he  came  to  Mis- 
sion Calder'a,  where  I was  living.  I told  him  what 
had  passed  between  the  Indians  and  me,  and  tried  to 
persuade  him  that  he  ought  to  go  to  the  bay  of  Espiritu 


de 


A Mexican  Hut 


Santo.  He  asked  me  whether  I had  any  proof  that 
the  story  was  true.  So  I called  the  Indian  by  the 
name  of  John,  captain  of  the  Papul  nation,  and  he 
said  that  in  a village  of  heathen  Indians,  some  sixty 
leagues  away,  there  was  one  of  the  white  men  that  he 
had  mentioned  as  living  in  the  interior. 


36  THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


He  finds  a 
French- 
man. 


The  French- 
man tries 
to  mislead 
the  Span- 
iards. 


I notified  Captain  de  Leon,  who,  with  twelve  men, 
went  and  brought  the  Frenchman  to  Caldera.  He 
was  painted  like  the  Indians,  old,  and  naked.  His 
name  was  John  Francis  So-and-so,  and,  by  his  own 
account,  he  was  a native  of  Cheblie  in  New  France. 

The  viceroy  now  ordered  Captain  de  Leon  to  go 
to  the  bay.  For  the  expedition  forty  men  went  from 
the  presidio  of  Viscaya,  and  forty  others  went  from 
the  New  Kingdom  of  Leon.  Three  companies  were 
formed,  with  Captain  de  Leon  as  commander.  We 
left  Coahuila  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  March,  1689. 

Now,  the  old  Frenchman,  who  accompanied  us,  took 
occasion  to  say  that  the  French  settlement  was  not  in 
the  place  to  which  the  Indian  guides  were  taking  us. 
On  the  way  he  tried  several  times  to  make  our  two 
Indians  desert  us,  or  say  that  it  was  very  far,  and 
that  we  would  not  be  able  to  cross  the  rivers  which 
were  on  the  way.  I was  so  sorry  that  the  Frenchman 
was  allowed  to  speak  that  I grew  annoyed. 

We  arrived  at  a stream  of  very  good  drinking 
water,  and  the  two  Indians  said  to  me : ‘‘Lower 

down  on  the  bank  of  this  stream  are  the  houses  of 
the  French.  They  must  be  about  three  leagues  off.” 
Then  the  old  Frenchman  saw  that  there  was  no  help, 
and  that  we  were  certain  to  come  upon  the  village. 
He  then  said : “Sir,  now  I know  very  well,  yea,  very 

well,  that  the  houses  are  on  this  little  river.” 

We  started  the  next  morning,  and  three  leagues  off 


SPANIARDS  FIND  FORT  ST.  LOUIS  37 


we  found  the  village  of  the  Frenchmen  on  the  bank 
of  the  stream.  We  arrived  at  about  eleven  in  the 
forenoon,  and  found  six  small  houses,  built  with  poles, 
plastered  with  mud,  and  roofed  over  with  buffalo 
hides.  There  was  another  large  house  where  pigs 
were  kept;  and  a wooden  fort  made  from  the  hulk  of 
a wrecked  vessel.  The  fort  had  one  lower  room 
which  was  used  as  a chapel  for  saying  mass,  and  three 
other  rooms  below.  Above  the  three  rooms  was  an 
upper  story  serving  for  a storehouse.  In  this  we 
found  some  six  loads  of  iron  and  steel  (not  counting 
scattered  pieces),  also  eight  small  guns  and  three 
swivels  made  of  iron,  the  largest  guns  being  for  a 
charge  of  about  six  pounds  of  shot.  The  guns  and 
one  swivel  were  buried,  and  Captain  de  Leon  carried 
off  two  of  the  swivels.  There  was  a great  lot  of 
shattered  weapons,  broken  by  the  Indians — firelocks, 
carbines,  cutlasses — but  they  had  not  left  the  cannon, 
only  one  being  found.  We  found  two  unburied  bodies, 
which  I interred,  setting  up  a cross  over  the  grave. 
There  were  also  many  torn-up  books  and  a number 
of  dead  pigs. 

These  Frenchmen  had  a piece  of  land  fenced  in  with 
stakes  where  they  sowed  a little  corn  and  had  an 
asparagus  bed.  This  place  affords  no  advantages  of 
situation,  for  good  drinking  water  is  very  far  off,  and 
timber  still  further.  The  water  of  the  stream  is  very 
brackish,  so  much  so  that  in  five  days  during  which 


The  French 
fort  is 
found. 


How  it 
looked. 


38 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


The  fort  is 
not  de- 
stroyed. 


French- 
men in  an- 
telope 
skins. 


“Come 

again.” 


the  camp  was  pitched  there,  all  the  horses  sickened. 
The  Indians  dig  wells  for  drinking  water. 

After  exploring  the  bay  we  returned  to  the  main 
body  of  our  party,  which  we  had  left  in  the  village. 
The  next  day  we  bent  the  large  iron  bars,  making 
them  up  into  bundles  in  order  to  carry  them  with  ease. 
We  found  the  Indians  with  the  reply  to  the  letter 
which  we  had  written  to  the  Frenchmen.  They  said 
that  we  should  wait  for  them,  and  that  another 
Frenchman  was  further  on,  for  whom  they  were  wait- 
ing, in  order  that  they  all  might  come  together.  As 
to  the  fort,  Captain  de  Leon  would  not  have  it  burned 
down,  and  it  remained  where  it  was. 

The  next  day  we  set  out  on  our  return  trip  to  the 
Guadalupe  River.  When  we  got  half  way,  since 
we  saw  that  the  Frenchmen  did  not  come,  Captain  de 
Leon,  with  twenty-five  men,  went  to  the  settlement 
where  they  were,  and  the  main  party  went  on  as  far 
as  the  Guadalupe  River,  where  it  remained  waiting 
three  days.  Two  Frenchmen  came  [with  Captain  de 
Leon]  naked,  except  for  antelope  skins,  and  with  their 
faces,  breasts,  and  arms  painted  like  the  Indians.  With 
them  came  the  governor  of  the  Tejas  and  eight  of  his 
Indians. 

Through  that  day  and  night  I tried  my  utmost  to 
show  all  possible  consideration  to  the  governor,  giv- 
ing him  two  horses  and  the  blanket  in  which  I slept. 
Speaking  Spanish  and  using  one  of  the  Frenchmen  as 


DESTRUCTION  OF  FORT  ST.  LOUIS  39 


an  interpreter,  I exhorted  the  governor  that  his  peo- 
ple should  become  Christians,  adding  that  if  he  wished 
I would  go  to  his  country.  Soon  the  governor  said 
he  would  very  willingly  take  me  there,  and  I promised 
that  I would  be  there  in  the  following  year  at  the  time 
of  sowing  corn.  The  governor  seemed  well  pleased, 
and  I was  still  more  so,  seeing  the  harvest  to  be  reaped 
in  those  lands  where  they  know  not  God. 

The  next  day  was  the  day  of  the  Holy  Cross — the 
3d  of  May.  After  mass  the  governor  of  the  Tejas 
left  for  his  home  and  we  for  this  place. 

1.  What  part  had  Father  Manzanet  in  getting  up  the  expedi- 
tion to  Texas?  2.  How  did  he  learn  the  whereabouts  of  the 
French?  3.  How  many  Frenchmen  were  in  the  expedition?  4. 
How  many  Frenchmen  did  they  lind?  5.  Compare  the  description 
of  the  French  settlement  with  that  given  by  Joutel.  6.  Describe 
the  visit  of  the  Tejas  chief  to  the  Spaniards. 


8.  The  Destruction  of  Fort  St.  Louis 

By  Damian  Manzanet  (1690) 

His  Excellency  decided  that  a second  expedition 
should  be  undertaken  to  the  bay  of  Espiritu  Santo. 
He  ordered  that  Captain  de  Leon  should  go  as  com- 
mander, and  take  with  him  a hundred  and  ten  soldiers, 
one  hundred  and  fifty  long  guns,  twelve  hundred 
weight  of  powder,  and  three  hundred  weight  of  shot. 


Another 

expedition. 


40 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


Its  pur- 
poses. 


Six  priests. 


Wine,  wax, 
and  wafers. 


They  were  to  inspect  the  bay  and  learn  whether  there 
were  any  Frenchmen  left  of  those  who  used  to  live 
there,  or  whether  others  had  recently  arrived.  The 
wooden  fort  built  by  the  French  was  to  be  burnt  down, 
and  from  the  bay  Captain  de  Leon  was  to  communi- 
cate with  the  governor  of  the  Tejas,  to  find  out 
whether  he  would  be  willing  to  have  the  minister  of 
the  gospel  enter  into  his  territory. 

I remarked  that  I would  take  along  three  priests  for 
the  Tejas,  myself  being  the  fourth,  besides  two  for 
the  mission  of  San  Salvador,  which  is  on  the  way. 
This  made  a total  of  six  priests  to  be  sent  immediately 
by  the  college.  In  the  event  of  the  Tejas  receiving 
the  faith,  the  college  was  to  send  whatever  others 
would  be  required. 

His  Excellency  bade  me  make  a note  of  what  I 
needed  to  take  along.  I replied  that  for  the  present 
I only  wanted  wine  for  the  masses,  a wafer  box,  and 
wax.  As  to  other  necessaries,  such  as  vestments,  I 
could  get  them  myself.  It  was  determined  that  the 
journey  should  take  place  after  Christmas,  so  when 
the  Christmas  feast  was  over  his  Excellency  dis- 
patched Captain  Francisco  Martin'ez  with  twenty 
mules  laden  with  wine,  wax,  and  so  on,  clothing 
for  distribution  among  the  Indians,  and  six  loads  of 
tobacco.  At  the  college  of  the  Holy  Cross  at  Quere- 
taro  [Ka-ra'-ta-ro],  with  the  priests  who  were  to  ac- 
company me,  I awaited  him. 


DESTRUCTION  OF  FORT  ST.  LOUIS  41 


We  left  Coahuila  for  the  Tejas  on  the  third  day  Poor  horse- 
men. 

of  the  Easter  feast,  March  28,  1690.  When  we  left 
the  twenty  soldiers  from  Viscaya  had  not  yet  arrived. 

The  forty  from  Zacatecas  were  for  the  most  part 
tailors,  carpenters,  masons,  miners, — in  short,  none  of 


Mexicans  Grinding  Corn  on  Metates 

them  could  catch  the  horses  on  which  they  were  to 
ride  that  day,  for  when  they  had  once  let  them  go 
they  could  manage  them  no  longer.  Besides,  we  had 
saddles  that  could  not  have  been  worse. 

Twenty  of  us  reached  the  fort  built  by  the  French-  Burning  the 
men.  The  rest  remained  with  the  horses  by  the  Gua- 
dalupe River.  We  saw  no  trace  of  Frenchmen  hav- 
ing been  there  during  our  absence,  all  being  as  we 


A curiosity. 


42  THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 

had  left  it  the  year  before,  except  that  there  were 
signs  that  the  Indians  had  dwelt  there.  I myself  set 
fire  to  the  fort,  and  as  there  was  a high  wind — the 
wood,  by  the  way,  was  from  the  Frenchmen’s  sloop, 
which  had  sunk  on  entering  the  bay — in  half  an  hour 
the  fort  was  in  ashes.  This  was  at  the  hour  of  noon ; 
afterwards  we  went  down  to  the  coast  of  the  bay,  all 
along  the  banks  of  the  rivulet  by  which  the  French- 
men passed  in  and  out  of  the  bay  with  their  barges 
and  canoes. 

After  we  had  arrived,  some  of  the  soldiers  of  the 
kingdom  of  Leon  said  that  they  wished  to  bathe,  in 
order  to  be  able  to  tell  that  they  had  bathed  in  the 
sea.  This  was  thought  such  a wonderful  thing  that 
they  carried  away  flasks  of  sea  water,  and  later,  in 
their  own  country  of  Monterey,  it  was  considered  a 
great  favor  to  taste  it. 

1.  What  reasons  are  given  for  de  Leon’s  second  expedition  to 
Fort  St.  Louis?  2.  Describe  the  military  equipment  of  the 
party.  3.  What  instructions  were  given  to  the  captain?  4. 
How  many  priests  accompanied  the  soldiers?  5.  What  kind  of 
supplies  were  taken  for  the  missions?  6.  How  were  they  car- 
ried? 7.  Describe  what  the  Spaniards  did  after  arriving  at  the 
fort.  8.  Were  such  expeditions  all  hardship? 


A TEXAS  CHIEF'S  HOUSEHOLD  43 

9.  A Texas  Chief’s  Household 

By  Damian  Manzanet  (1690) 

This  extract  gives  an  excellent  description  of  an  Indian  chief’s 
household  arrangements.  It  also  illustrates  the  early  Spanish 
custom  of  calling  things  in  Indian  society  by  names  taken  from 
civilized  life.  Thus  they  called  the  chief  a “governor,”  and  his 
servants  “pages.” 

There  came  into  that  region  an  Indian  who  was 
thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  road  into  the  country 
of  the  Tejas,  and  he  showed  us  the  way.  As  soon  as 
the  governor  saw  me,  he  came  forward  to  embrace 
me.  We  sat  down  to  talk  by  signs — this  being  the 
most  usual  mode  of  communication  in  those  regions. 
He  produced  a small  sack  of  powdered  tobacco,  of 
the  kind  which  they  grow,  and  another  small  sack  of 
white  pi-no'-le  1 of  very  good  quality.  That  night  it 
was  arranged  to  provide  the  governor  with  garments, 
in  order  that  he  might  enter  his  village  clothed,  so 
that  his  people  might  see  how  highly  we  thought  of 
him. 

The  governor  expressed  a desire  to  take  us  home 
with  him  and  said  that  we  might  live  in  his  house,  in 
which,  he  said,  there  was  room  for  all.  After  dinner 
we,  the  priests,  discussed  what  should  be  our  conduct 
on  visiting  at  the  governor’s.  My  opinion  was  that 
we  four  priests  should  go  on  foot,  carrying  our  staffs, 
which  bore  a holy  crucifix,  and  singing  the  Litany  of 
Our  Lady,  and  that  a lay-brother2  who  was  with  us 

1Pi-no'-le  is  parched  corn,  ground  or  crushed. 

*One  who  assisted  the  friars. 


A welcome. 


An  impos- 
ing proces- 
sion. 


44 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


How  the 
house  was 
built. 


The  beds. 


Corn  bas- 
kets. 


should  carry  in  front  a picture  of  the  Blessed  Virgin, 
bearing  it  high  on  his  lance,  like  a banner. 

We  came  to  the  governor’s  house,  where  we  found 
a number  of  Indians — men,  women,  and  children. 
Kneeling,  we  concluded  the  Litany,  and  blessed  the 
house.  Soon  the  governor  and  the  other  Indians  came 
up  to  kiss  my  robe,  and  the  former  bade  us  enter  and 
look  at  his  house.  It  is  built  of  stakes  thatched  over 
with  grass.  It  is  about  twenty  yards  high,  is  round, 
and  has  no  windows,  daylight  entering  through  the 
door  only.  In  the  middle  of  the  house  is  the  fire, 
which  is  never  extinguished  by  day  or  by  night.  Over 
the  door  on  the  inner  side  there  is  a little  mound  of 
pebbles  very  prettily  arranged.  Placed  around  one 
half  of  the  house,  inside,  are  ten  beds,  each  of  which 
consists  of  a rug  made  of  reeds  laid  on  four  forked 
sticks.  Over  the  rug  they  spread  buffalo  skins  on 
which  they  sleep.  At  the  head  and  foot  of  the  bed  is 
attached  another  carpet  forming  a sort  of  arch,  which, 
lined  with  a brilliantly  colored  piece  of  reed  matting, 
makes  what  bears  some  resemblance  to  a very  pretty 
alcove. 

In  the  other  half  of  the  house,  where  there  are  no 
beds,  there  are  some  shelves  about  two  yards  high. 
On  them  are  arranged  large  round  baskets  made  of 
reeds,  in  which  they  keep  their  corn,  nuts,  acorns, 
beans,  etc.  There  is  also  a row  of  very  large  earthen 
pots  like  our  earthen  jars.  These  are  used  only  to 


A TEXAS  CHIEF’S  HOUSEHOLD 


45 


make  the  a-to'-le1  when  there  is  a large  crowd  on  the 
occasion  of  some  ceremony.  On  the  shelves  are  also 
six  wooden  mortars  for  pounding  the  corn  in  rainy 
weather.  When  it  is  fair,  they  grind  the  corn  in  the 
courtyard. 

After  a little  while  they  brought  out  to  each  of  us 
in  the  courtyard  a small  wooden  bench  very  skillfully 
fashioned,  and  we  sat  down  there,  for  the  yard  was 
bright  and  cool.  Next  they  brought  us  a lunch.  It 
consisted  of  tamales,  nuts,  pinole  very  well  prepared, 
and  a large  crock  full  of  corn  stewed  with  beans. 

Soon  I noticed,  outside  the  yard,  opposite  the  door 
of  the  governor’s  house,  a long  building  in  which  no 
inmates  could  be  seen.  I asked  who  lived  in  it  or 
what  purpose  it  served,  and  was  told  that  the  captains 
were  lodged  in  it  when  the  governor  called  them  to 
a meeting.  On  the  other  side  of  the  yard  I saw  yet 
another  and  smaller  house  also  vacant.  Upon  my 
inquiring  about  this  one  they  told  me  that  in  it  the 
pages  of  the  captains  were  lodged.  There  is  a law 
providing  that  each  captain  shall  bring  his  page  when 
the  governor  assembles  them,  and  this  custom  is  ob- 
served. As  soon  as  the  pages  arrive  they  are  lodged 
in  this  house,  where  for  each  one  is  laid  a large, 
brightly  colored  reed  mat.  They  sleep  on  this  mat 
with  a bolster  made  of  painted  reeds  for  a pillow. 
The  governor  provides  them  with  food  until  he  sends 

*A  kind  of  gruel  made  by  cooking  pounded  corn  or  rice  in 
water  or  milk. 


Luncheon. 


The  council 
house. 


46 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


The  house- 
work. 


The  chief’s 
chair. 


An  invita- 
tion is  de- 
clined. 


them  home.  When  they  return  home,  each  one  car- 
ries with  him  his  mat  and  pillow. 

The  following  are  the  domestic  arrangements  in 
the  governor’s  house.  Each  week  ten  Indian  women 
do  the  housework.  Every  day  at  sunrise  they  come 
laden  with  firewood,  sweep  out  the  courtyard  and  the 
house,  carry  water  from  a brook  some  distance  away, 
and  grind  corn  for  the  food.  All  the  women  go  home 
for  the  night,  returning  to  the  governor’s  house  next 
morning. 

I noticed  a little  wooden  bench  in  front  of  the  fire. 
The  Indians  admonished  me  not  to  sit  upon  it,  lest  I 
should  die.  Of  course  I was  curious  to  learn  what 
mystery  there  was  connected  with  it,  and  they  told  me 
that  no  one  but  their  lord,  the  governor,  might  sit 
upon  that  stool. 

1.  Describe  the  Texas  chief’s  welcome  to  Father  Manzanet. 
2.  How  was  the  chief’s  house  built?  3.  Draw  a diagram  of  it. 
4.  Describe  the  furniture.  5.  What  other  buildings  were  near 
the  chief’s  house?  6.  Describe  the  customs  with  regard  to 
“pages.”  7.  Describe  the  house-keeping  arrangements  of  the 
chief.  8.  Were  these  Indians  superstitious? 


10.  Founding  Mission  San  Francisco 

By  Damian  Manzanet  (1690) 

In  this  piece  Father  Manzanet  tells  how  he  founded  Mission 
San  Francisco,  the  first  mission  ever  planted  in  Texas. 

It  seemed  to  me  inadvisable  that  the  priests  should 
live  in  the  governor’s  house,  on  account  of  the  num- 
ber of  Indians,  men  and  women,  who  went  in  and  out 


MISSION  SAN  FRANCISCO 


47 


at  all  times.  Using  the  Frenchman  as  an  interpreter, 
I told  the  governor,  with  many  kind  expressions,  that 
his  house  was  very  fine,  and  that  I heartily  appreciated 
his  desire  to  have  the  priests  in  his  household,  but 
that  since  we  had  to  build  a house  for  the  celebration 
of  the  masses,  it  might  be  well  to  build  likewise  a 
dwelling  for  the  priests,  because  they  must  needs  live 
near  the  church.  Thereupon  the  governor  said  that 
we  could  build  the  house  I asked  for  in  the  most  suit- 
able place,  that  he  would  show  us  the  village,  and  that 
I might  choose  the  spot. 

The  next  morning  I went  out  with  Captain  de  Leon 
a little  way,  and  found  a delightful  spot  close  to  the 
brook,  with  fine  woods,  and  plum  trees  like  those  in 
Spain.  Soon  afterwards,  on  the  same  day,  they  began 
to  fell  trees  and  cart  the  wood,  and  within  three  days 
we  had  a roomy  dwelling  and  a church  wherein  to  say 
mass.  Very  reverently  we  set  a high  cross  of  carved 
wood  in  front  of  the  church. 

On  the  eve  of  Corpus  Christi  mass  was  sung.  Before 
mass  we  had  a procession  with  the  holy  sacrament  ex- 
posed. A large  number  of  Indians  were  assembled, 
for  we  had  notified  them  the  day  before.  The  soldiers 
had  been  given  leave  to  fire  as  many  salutes  as  they 
could  during  the  procession,  at  the  elevation  [of  the 
cross] , and  at  the  close  of  mass.  After  mass  we  hoisted 
the  royal  standard,  which  bore  on  one  side  the  picture 
of  Christ  crucified,  and  on  the  other  that  of  the  Virgin 
of  Guadalupe. 


Choosing  a 
site  for  the 
mission. 


Something 
new  for 
the  Indians. 


48 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


Consecrat- 
ing the 
church. 


“Good  bye' 


When  the  church  and  the  dwelling  intended  for  the 
priests  had  been  finished,  they  carried  into  these  build- 
ings all  that  was  to  be  left  for  the  priests,  and  on  the 
morning  of  the  first  of  June,  a week  from  the  feast  of 
Corpus  Christi,  we  consecrated  the  church  and  cele- 
brated mass.  After  singing  a hymn  of  thanksgiv- 
ing, the  soldiers  fired  a royal  salute.  The  church  and 
village  were  dedicated  to  our  Holy  Father  St.  Francis. 

After  dinner  on  the  same  day  our  company  left  the 


Mission  San  Jose'  at  San  Antonio1 

place,  to  return  to  Coahuila,  but  I remained  until  the 
next  day,  when  I went  to  overtake  the  others  on  the 
way.  The  night  before  I left  the  place  I called  the 
governor  and  told  him  to  remember  that  he  must  take 

irThe  missions  in  northeast  Texas  were  built  of  wood  and 
adobe,  those  in  the  southwest,  of  stone. 


MISSION  SAN  FRANCISCO 


49 


care  of  the  fathers  who  remained  there,  and  try  to 
make  his  people  respect  them  and  receive  the  Chris- 
tian doctrine.  I told  him  the  fathers  would  not  take 
anything  away  from  them,  nor  ask  them  for  anything, 
but,  rather,  would  help  them  whenever  they  were  able. 
The  governor  replied : “I  shall  take  care  of  the 

fathers,  so  that,  when  you  return,  they  will  have  no 
complaint  to  bring  against  me ; they  are  perfectly  safe, 
and  may  remain.” 

It  was  arranged  that  three  soldiers  recommended 
by  me  should  remain  there.  They  were  willing  to  do 
so,  and  were  quite  content.  Captain  de  Leon  left  for 
the  soldiers  nine  of  the  king’s  horses,  some  firelocks, 
a barrel  of  powder  and  some  shot ; and  for  the  priests 
he  left  twenty-six  loads  of  flour,  twenty  cows,  two 
yoke  of  oxen,  ploughs  with  ploughshares,  axes,  spades, 
and  other  little  things. 

On  the  2d  day  of  June  we  took  our  departure,  and 
the  priests  walked  with  us  a little  way  out  of  the  vil- 
lage. Then  we  took  leave  of  one  another  with  many 
tears  of  joy  and  gladness,  for  these  men  did  not  sor- 
row at  being  left  behind;  nay,  they  gave  thanks  to 
God  for  having  merited  such  grace  as  to  be  called  to 
save  the  souls  of  the  heathen. 

1.  Describe  the  ceremony  with  which  the  priests  approaches 
the  chief’s  village.  2.  Why  did  they  observe  so  much  ceremony? 

3.  Describe  the  steps  that  were  taken  in  establishing  the  mis- 
sion. How  long  did  it  take  to  build  the  house  and  the  church? 

4.  How  many  soldiers  were  left  to  guard  the  mission  ? 5.  What 

supplies  were  left?  6.  Tell  about  the  writer  of  the  last  three 
stories. 

4. 


A small 
guard. 


50 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


11.  St.  Denis  in  Texas 

By  Penicaut  (1714) 

In  1714  the  French  governor  of  Louisiana,  Cadillac  [Ka-dee- 
yack'],  sent  an  expedition  to  open  up  trade  across  Texas  with  the 
Spanish  of  Mexico.  The  leader  chosen  for  the  undertaking  was 
a shrewd  Frenchman  named  St.  Denis  [San  Da-nee'].  The  story 
of  his  journey  from  Mobile  to  Texas  and  thence  to  Mexico  is 
here  told  by  Penicaut  [Pa-ne-ko'],  who  was  with  the  party.1  The 
result  of  the  expedition  was  to  frighten  the  Spanish  into  a new 
attempt  to  occupy  eastern  Texas  which  they  had  deserted  in 
1693. 


St.  Denis’ 
mission. 


Bis  equip- 
ment. 


St.  Denis,  a brave  and  enterprising  officer,  was 
called  to  Mobile  by  Governor  Cadillac  [Ka-de-yack']. 
After  his  arrival,  the  governor  made  him  a proposi- 
tion to  go  to  Natchitoches  [Nack-i-tosh'],  and  from 
thence  by  land  to  Mexico,  to  establish  commercial  re- 
lations with  that  country.  St.  Denis  accepted  the  pro- 
posal. He  took  about  two  thousand  dollars’  worth  of 
merchandise  from  the  public  stores,  and  loaded  it  in 
five  canoes.  Provided  with  a passport  to  the  Spanish 
governor,  he  set  out  from  the  fort  at  Mobile  Bay, 
accompanied  by  twenty  men,  of  whom  I was  one,  and 
proceeded  on  the  expedition  to  Mexico.  We  stopped 
at  Biloxi,  where  St.  Denis  resides.  Here  we  remained 
some  time  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  all  the  Natchi- 
toches Indians  we  could.  We  succeeded  in  obtaining 
about  thirty  in  addition  to  those  we  already  had. 


translated  from  Margry,  Decouvertes  et  fitablissements  des 
Frangais,  V,  495-502.  Free  use  has  been  made  of  the  translation 
in  French,  Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana  and  Florida  (New 
Series,  1859),  pp.  114-120. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  22-23;  Garrison,  38-52. 


ST.  DENIS  IN  TEXAS 


51 


We  ascended  the  Mississippi  to  Pass  Manchac', 
where  we  killed  fifteen  buffaloes.  The  next  day  we 
landed  again  and  killed  eight  more  buffaloes  and  as 
many  deer.  We  then  left  the  Mississippi  and  pro- 
ceeded with  our  merchandise  to  the  Red  River. 

As  soon  as  St.  Denis  arrived  at  the  village  of  the 
Natchitoches  Indians  he  assembled  the  chiefs  and  told 
them  they  must  begin  to  cultivate  their  lands,  and 
that  he  was  about  to  distribute  to  them  the  corn  and 
grain  he  had  brought  for  sowing.  He  said  that  they 
would  always  have  the  French  among  them1,  and  that 
the  Indians  would  have  to  supply  them  with  food. 
He  advised  them  to  go  to  work  at  once,  saying  that 
they  would  have  nothing  to  fear  from  hostile  Indians 
so  long  as  they  continued  united  among  themselves. 
We  distributed  among  them  pick-axes,  hoes,  and  axes. 
They  cut  down  some  trees,  and  we  built  with  them 
two  houses  in  their  village,  one  for  lodging  and  one 
for  storing  our  merchandise. 

After  remaining  here  six  weeks  we  set  out,  on  the 
23d  of  August,  to  explore  the  Spanish  territory.  We 
took  with  us  twelve  Frenchmen,  and  for  guides  we 
had  thirty  Indians.  Ten  Frenchmen  were  left  to  guard 
the  goods  in  the  village,  with  instructions  to  keep 
close  watch  over  them. 

I was  one  of  those  who  accompanied  St.  Denis. 
We  went  to  the  village  of  the  Assinais  [Ass-i-nay'] 
by  land,  because  the  river  above  Natchitoches  is  im- 


Game. 


St.  Denis 
sets  the 
Indians  to 
work. 


A strange 
sight. 


52  THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


Angelica. 


Why  St. 
Denis  came. 


peded  by  timber.  During  the  entire  march  we  lived 
on  the  products  of  our  hunting.  Our  rations  con- 
sisted of  an  ear  of  corn  and  a piece  of  buffalo  meat. 
The  Assinais  were  astonished  at  seeing  us,  as  they 
had  never  before  seen  any  French.  They  had  seen 
only  some  half  naked,  half  civilized  Spaniards,  and 
even  these  had  not  visited  them  for  five  years  past. 
The  Indians  chanted  the  calumet  of  peace  to  St. 
Denis,  who  gave  them  presents  and  employed  them  as 
guides  in  search  of  the  Spaniards. 

In  their  village  we  found  a woman,  named  Ange- 
lica, who  had  been  baptized  by  the  Spanish  priests. 
She  spoke  Spanish  very  well,  and,  as  St.  Denis  was 
familiar  with  that  language,  he  employed  her  as  chief 
interpreter.  We  took  but  few  provisions  with  us,  as 
we  could  not  obtain  many  among  the  Assinais,  and 
we  were  compelled  again  to  live  by  hunting.  We 
went  on  in  this  way  for  one  hundred  and  fifty 
leagues,  and  at  the  end  of  a month  and  a half  reached 
the  first  Spanish  village,  called  El  Presidio  del  Norte, 
situated  on  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande. 

As  soon  as  we  arrived  there  Don  Ramon',  a cap- 
tain of  the  Spanish  cavalry,  came  to  speak  with  St. 
Denis,  to  learn  the  object  of  his  visit.  St.  Denis  told 
him  that  the  governor  of  Louisiana  had  sent  him  to 
open  commercial  relations  with  the  Spaniards.  The 
captain,  who  was  a man  of  good  sense,  replied  that 
he  had  no  authority  in  the  matter,  but  would  write 


ST.  DENIS  IN  TEXAS 


53 


to  the  governor  of  Coahuila  [Co-a-weel'-a]  and  give 
St.  Denis  an  answer  as  soon  as  he  should  get  orders 
from  his  superior.  He  then  provided  lodgings  for 
the  soldiers,  and  invited  to  his  own  house  St.  Denis, 
accompanied  by  his  servant  and  myself. 

At  length  the  governor  sent  an  officer  and  twenty- 
five  cavalry  to  the  village  where  we  were  with  an 
order  to  take  St.  Denis  before  him.  Upon  his  de- 
parture St.  Denis  told  us  to  await  his  return  in  the 
village.  We  stayed  there  over  a month,  I at  the 
house  of  the  captain,  and  the  soldiers  and  Indians  at 
their  lodgings.  At  the  end  of  this  time  we  got  orders 
from  St.  Denis  to  return  to  Natchitoches,  because  the 
governor,  after  an  examination  of  St.  Denis’  passport, 
had  resolved  to  send  him  to  Mexico,  three  hundred 
leagues  distant.  He  arrived  there  on  the  25th  of 
June  and  did  not  return  until  the  following  year 

(1715)- 

I gave  the  captain  my  most  sincere  thanks  for  his 
kindness  and  hospitality.  His  name  was  Don  Pedro 
de  Villes'cas.  He  had  two  daughters.  One  of  them, 
Dona  [Don'-ya]  Maria,  was  afterwards  married  to  St. 
Denis,  on  his  return  from  Mexico. 

1.  What  was  the  purpose  of  St.  Denis’  journey  into  Texas? 
2.  Describe  his  equipment.  3.  His  route.  4.  How  did  he  treat 
the  Indians  at  Natchitoches?  5.  What  did  he  do  when  among 
the  Assinais?  6.  Who  acted  as  chief  interpreter?  7.  Who  waa 
Dona  Maria? 


He  is  taken 
to  Mexico. 


Dona 

Maria. 


54 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


12.  A Pipe  of  Peace 

By  Antonio  Bonilla  (1716) 

Upon  St.  Denis’  arrival  in  Mexico,  steps  were  at  once  taken  to 
prevent  French  encroachment  upon  Spanish  soil.  An  expedition 
composed  of  sixty-five  persons  was  organized  with  Domingo 
Ramon'  as  commander.  St.  Denis,  who  had  made  friends  with 
the  Spaniards,  served  as  guide  and  interpreter.  The  expedition 
entered  Texas  in  1716,  and  resulted  in  the  re-establishment  of 
Mission  San  Francisco  and  the  founding  of  five  others,  all  within 
a radius  of  about  fifty  miles  from  Nacogdoches.  The  following 
story,  telling  of  some  of  the  interesting  things  the  party  did  on 
the  way,  is  from  a history  of  Texas  written  in  1772  by  Antonio 
Bonilla.1 


The  chiefs 
approach 
with  St. 
Denis. 


A formal 
reception. 


St.  Denis  had  gone  ahead  to  let  the  chief  of  the 
Tejas  know  about  the  entrance  of  the  Spaniards  into 
his  territory.  On  the  26th  of  June  he  came  into  camp 
with  five  captains  and  twenty-nine  Indians.  They  came 
on  horseback,  following  St.  Denis  in  single  file.  Some 
of  them  were  armed  with  French  guns.  As  soon  as 
they  came  into  camp  they  dismounted,  leaving  their 
horses  and  arms  with  other  Indians. 

Still  in  single  file,  they  approached  our  men,  who 
were  awaiting  them  drawn  up  in  two  lines,  between 
which  were  Captain  Ramon'  and  the  missionaries. 
All  embraced  one  another  in  turn,  with  especial  marks 
of  love  and  friendship,  and  after  a salute  of  musketry 
they  went  to  a hut  covered  with  leafy  boughs  which 
the  Spaniards  had  prepared  for  their  reception.  There, 


'From  Bonilla,  Breve  Compendio,  section  7.  Adapted  from  a 
translation  by  Miss  Elizabeth  Howard  West. 


A PIPE  OF  PEACE 


55 


when  all  were  seated  according  to  rank,  the  Indians 
performed  the  peace  ceremony. 

The  chief  took  out  a pipe  much  adorned  with  white 
feathers.  Filling  it  with  tobacco  and  lighting  it,  he 
smoked  it  first  himself  and  then  required  everybody 
else  to  smoke  it.  The  rest  responded  by  repeating 
what  he  had  done.  The  ceremony  ended  with  a serious 
speech  by  the  Indian  chief,  in  which,  according  to  St. 
Denis,  who  understood  perfectly  the  language  of  that 
nation,  he  told  how  glad  he  was  that  the  Spaniards 
were  settling  his  country. 

Afterwards  various  chiefs  and  families  joined  the 
party  and  became  the  subjects  of  the  King.  Captain 
Ramon  distributed  freely  among  them  the  presents 
which'  he  had  brought.  He  appointed  as  captain- 
general  of  those  nations  a son  of  the  Tejas  chief,  and 
named,  likewise,  the  alcaldes  and  fiscals  of  each  vil- 
lage. Finally,  there  were  founded  the  four1  missions 
of  San  Francisco,  the  Immaculate  Conception,  St. 
Joseph,  and  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe,  where  more  than 
five  thousand  persons  of  the  same  tongue  were  gath- 
ered together.  The  most  distant  of  the  missions  was 
situated  seven  leagues  from  Natchitoches. 

1.  Who  was  commander  of  the  expedition  described  here? 
2.  What  missions  were  founded  by  him?  3.  Where  do  you 
suppose  the  Indians  had  got  their  horses?  4.  Did  the  Indians 
seen  by  de  Leon  have  horses?  5.  How  did  the  Indians  make 
peace?  6.  What  offices  did  Ramon  give  the  Indians? 

xFive  new  ones  were  founded.  Bonilla  should  have  mentioned 
San  Miguel  de  Linares  and  Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores. 


The  pipe 
of  peace. 


Presents 
and  titles. 


56 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


A strange 
custom. 


And  a high 
compli- 
ment. 


The  reply. 


13.  Speeches  and  Presents 

By  La  Pena1  (1721) 

In  1719  the  Spanish  settlements  in  eastern  Texas  were  aban- 
doned because  of  fear  of  the  French.  Two  years  later  the  Mar- 
quis de  A-gua'-yo  was  sent  to  re-establish  them  and  to  build  some 
forts  to  keep  out  the  French.  The  following  story  of  the 
meeting  with  the  Indians  on  the  Neches  is  by  the  chaplain  of  the 
expedition.2  It  tells  of  strange  Indian  habits  and  of  the  Spanish 
custom  of  giving  presents  to  the  natives. 

On  Wednesday,  [July]  30th,  there  came  into  camp 
[on  the  Neches  River]  one  hundred  Indians,  including 
women  and  children,  who  lived  in  Maco'no,  five 
leagues  from  where  we  were.  They  had  belonged  to 
the  first  mission  of  San  Francisco.  Their  captain,  who 
is  also  chief  priest  Of  their  idols,  is  blind.  Perhaps 
after  he  had  been  captain  many  years  he  put  out  his 
own  eyes,  according  to  a custom  of  the  Indians,  in 
order  to  become  their  chief  priest.  In  the  natural 
rhetoric  of  voice  and  signs  he  made  a long  and  most 
powerful  speech  to  his  lordship,  expressing  the  great- 
est joy  at  the  return  of  the  Spaniards.  To  show  his 
love  for  them  he  said  that  what  he  most  esteemed  was 
God,  the  sun,  the  moon,  and  the  Spaniards.  He  said 
that  neither  air,  water,  earth,  nor  fire,  would  serve  for 
this  comparison. 

The  governor  answered  this  speech  through  the  in- 

tena  [Pane'-ya] . 

translated  from  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  la  Provincia 
de  Texas  (MS.),  II,  folios  36-40. 

Read:  Garrison,  77*78. 


SPEECHES  AND  PRESENTS 


57 


terpreter,  Nicolas  de  los  Santos,  a soldier  who  had 
been  with  Domingo  Ramon  on  his  first  expedition  to 
Texas,  and  who  was  very  well  versed  in  the  Indian 
language  and  signs.  He  expressed  the  warmest  ap- 
preciation for  the  chiefs  affectionate  words,  and  ex- 
plained His  Majesty’s  purpose  in  sending  so  many 
Spaniards  into  the  country.  He  said  that  the  object 
was  to  bring  peace  to  all  this  wide  province,  and  to 
leave  it  guarded  by  many  Spaniards.  He  told  them 
that  whenever  it  was  necessary  many  more  would  be 
sent  to  defend  them  from  all  their  enemies,  and  that 
missionaries  would  come  to  establish  the  Catholic 
faith  for  the  benefit  of  the  Indians. 

On  Thursday  the  Indians  brought  to  the  governor 
tamales,  watermelons,  flowers,  pi-no'-le,1  and  beans. 
His  lordship  gave  all  the  women  coarse  cloth,  hand- 
kerchiefs, and  ribbons,  to  use  for  dress,  and  made  them 
presents  of  glass  beads,  pocket  knives,  large  knives, 
hoes,  finger  rings,  mirrors,  combs,  awls,  scissors, 
steels,  and  blankets,  which  they  prize  very  highly.  To 
the  chief  he  gave  a silver  headed  cane,  and  a dress 
indicating  rank,2  according  to  the  custom  of  the  Span- 
iards. To  the  chief’s  wife  he  gave  one  each  of  all 
the  other  presents.  They  were  all  very  much  pleased 
with  these  things  and  very  grateful  for  them. 

*See  note  1,  page  43. 

2The  Spaniards  often  flattered  the  Indians  by  appointing  native 
officers  in  the  Indian  villages.  The  one  made  alcalde  was  usually 
given  a silver  headed  cane  as  a sign  of  authority. 


Presents. 


58 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


Choosing 
a site. 


Building 
the  fort. 


14.  A Marquis  Builds  a Fort 

By  La  Pena  (1721) 


The  fort,  or  presidio,  of  Adaes,  herein  described  by  La  Pena,1 
was  one  of  several  built  by  Aguayo.  A careful  study  of  the  dia- 
gram in  connection  with  this  description  will  give  a good  idea 
of  a Spanish  fortification  in  Texas.  The  last  paragraph  shows 
the  way  in  which  the  founding  of  a mission  or  the  building  of  a 
fort  was  celebrated. 


The  Marquis  now  set  about  choosing  a site  for  a 
fort.  Although  he  sent  explorers  through  the  whole 
surrounding  country,  and  even  went  out  himself  to 
look  it  over,  he  found  no  place  more  suitable  than  the 
one  where  he  was  encamped.  This  was  on  the  royal 
Natchitoches  [Nack-i-tosh']  road,  seven  leagues  from 
Natchitoches.  All  the  rest  of  the  country  was  rough 
and  shaded  by  woods.  But  this  place  had  good  val- 
leys in  which  to  erect  the  mission  near  the  fort ; there 
was  sufficient  land  for  both  the  Spaniards  and  Indians 
to  make  their  crops;  and  near  by  there  was  a spring 
on  the  side  of  a hill. 

On  the  top  of  this  elevation,  which  commanded  the 


translated  from  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  la  Provincia 
de  Texas  (MS.),  II,  folios  48-50.  The  fourth  paragraph  was 
taken  from  the  back  of  the  manuscript,  found  in  Mexico  City, 
containing  the  diagram  shown  here. 


A MARQUIS  BUILDS  A FORT 


59 


whole  plain,  his  lordship  laid  out  and  began  at  once 


1.  The  bastions.  2.  The  palisades. 
3.  The  ditches.  4.  The  plaza. 
5.  The  church.  6.  The  stores  and 
commandant’s  quarters.  7.  Bar- 
racks for  the  officers. 

Plan  of  Presidio  de  los  Adaes 


to  build  the  fortifica- 
tion. He  gave  it  the 
form  of  a hexagon, 
making  each  side 
about  fifty-five  yards 
long.  He  left  three 
bastions1  uncon- 
structed and  made 
the  other  three 
smaller  than  he  had 
planned.  These  he 
placed  at  alternate 
corners,  so  that  each 
would  protect  two 
sides  of  the  fort. 


He  made  these  changes  in  his  plan  to  suit  the  nature 
of  the  land  and  the  few  soldiers  assigned  to  the  fort. 
He  had  only  one.  hundred,  and  thirty  of  these  were 
always  occupied  in  the  protection  and  care  of  the 
horses  and  flocks.  Another  reason  for  reducing  the 
number  and  the  size  of  the  bastions  was  that  there 
were  only  six  cannons  to  guard  the  water,  which  is  at 
a gunshot’s  distance. 

In  building  this  fortification  the  greatest  task  was 
to  open  the  space  for  the  foundations,  which  had  to 


1Bastions:  projections  at  the  corners  where  the  cannon  were 
placed. 


60 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


Improve- 
ments to  be 
made. 


The  cele- 
bration. 


be  done  with  the  crowbar,  and  to  clear  the  site  and 
its  surroundings  of  very  heavy  timber,  so  that  the 
enemy  may  not  approach  unseen.  This  will  thus  put 
the  fort  in  better  condition  for  defense. 

As  there  are  no  stones  at  the  fort,  not  even  small 
ones,  the  palisade  of  stakes  will  be  strengthened  by 
a thick  wall  of  adobe  [dried  mud].  And  the  ditch 
which  is  outside  the  fort  will  be  extended  around  the 
bastions  also.  No  pains  will  be  spared  to  make  a 
well  within  the  plaza.  The  living  rooms  of  the  mis- 
sionary fathers  are  near  the  church.  The  stores  and 
the  quarters  of  the  commander  are  in  the  part  of  the 
enclosure  next  to  the  church.  The  barracks  in  the  di- 
vision at  the  gate  are  for  the  officers.  The  rest  of 
the  barracks,  each  with  its  corral,  are  for  the  sol- 
diers. 

On  the  day  of  the  Archangel  [Ark-an'-gel]  of  San 
Miguel  they  celebrated  in  the  church  the  restoration 
of  the  mission,  which  was  to  be  located  about  a quar- 
ter of  a league  away.  On  the  12th  of  October  they 
dedicated  the  church  and  the  fort,  choosing  the  Holy 
Virgin  as  patroness  and  guardian  of  the  frontier. 

These  two  occasions  were  celebrated  with  the  great- 
est display  possible.  Salutes  were  fired  by  the  artil- 
lery and  by  the  companies  that  had  formed  in  the 
plaza  of  arms.  Mass  was  sung  by  Doctor  Rabal',  who 
had  already  blessed  the  church.  He  took  in  proces- 
sion the  image  of  Our  Lady  of  Pilar',  whom  Father 


DESCRIPTION  OF  A MISSION 


61 


Margil  [Mar-heel']  praised  in  an  eloquent  sermon. 
The  affair  ended  with  a splendid  banquet  at  which 
the  fathers  and  the  soldiers  were  given  whisky,  and 
they  showed  their  merriment  by  various  dances  and 
capers. 

1.  Where  was  Adaes?  2.  Mention  the  features  of  the  site 
that  were  thought  desirable.  3.  What  materials  were  used  in 
the  construction  of  the  fort?  4.  Is  it  easy  to  locate  the  early 
settlements  in  eastern  Texas?  Why?  Compare  eastern  Texas 
with  southwestern  Texas  on  this  point.  5.  Name  the  parts  of 
the  fort.  6.  What  classes  of  people  were  expected  to  live  within 
it?  7.  Who  wrote  this  account?  8.  What  means  had  he  of 
knowing  what  he  tells? 


15.  A Description  of  a Mission  (1762) 

This  description  of  Mission  San  Antonio  de  Valero  is  part  of 
an  official  report  on  the  condition  of  the  Texas  missions  made  in 
1762.1  It  gives  a good  idea  of  a mission  settlement. 

In  this  province  are  some  beautiful  springs.  So  The  S1!e  .of 

. the  mission. 

great  is  the  volume  of  water  which  they  send  forth, 
that  within  a short  distance  a river  of  considerable 
size  is  formed.  This  stream,  called  the  San  Antonio, 
runs  from  north  to  south.  West  of  it,  and  one  league 
below  the  springs,  stand  the  town  of  San  Fernando 
and  the  presidio  of  San  Antonio.  Across  the  river  on 
its  eastern  bank  and  about  two  gunshots  from  the  pre- 


1From  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  la  Provincia  de  Texas 
(MS.),  folios  163-167.  Translated  by  Miss  Ethel  Zivley  Rather, 
of  the  School  of  History  of  The  University  of  Texas. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  18-21;  Garrison,  55-60. 


62 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


Its  popula- 
tion. 


sidio  is  the  mission  of  San  Antonio  de  Valer'o.  This 
mission  was  founded  on  the  first  of  May,  1718,  by 
order  of  the  most  excellent  Marquis  of  Valero.  It 
was  the  first  which  the  college  of  the  Holy  Cross,  in 
its  zeal  for  the  salvation  of  the  natives,  planted  in  the 
province  of  Texas. 

The  records  show  that  since  its  foundation  seven- 
teen hundred  and  ninety-two  persons  have  been  bap- 


A Spanish  Mission  in  California1 


tized.  At  present  there  are  seventy-six  families  here, 
which,  counting  widows  and  widowers,  orphans  and 
other  children,  comprise  two  hundred  and  seventy- 
five  persons. 


irThis  illustration  was  chosen  because  it  shows  better  than  any 
picture  of  a Texas  mission  the  whole  plan  of  a mission  settle- 
ment. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  A MISSION  63 

The  settlement  contains  a convent  fifty  yards  square, 
with  arcades  above  and  below.  In  the  convent  are 
the  living  rooms  of  the  religious,  the  porter’s  lodge, 
the  dining-room,  the  kitchen,  and  the  offices.  All 
these  rooms  are  adorned  with  sacred  ornaments  and 
furnished  with  such  articles  as  are  needed  by  the  re- 
ligious for  their  own  use  and  for  supplying  the  In- 
dians. 

In  the  second  court  is  a room  large  enough  for  four 
looms.  Upon  these  looms  are  made  coarse  cloths, 
embroidered  cotton  shawls,  blankets,  and  other  com- 
mon fabrics  of  wool  and  cotton  needed  to  supply  and 
properly  clothe  the  Indians.  Adjoining  this  room 
are  two  others  in  which  they  keep  the  stock  of  wool, 
cotton,  combs,  skeins,  spindles,  cards,  and  other  things 
used  by  the  Indians  in  making  their  clothing. 

The  church  of  this  mission  was  finished,  even  to 
the  towers  and  sacristy,  but,  on  account  of  the  stupid- 
ity of  the  builder,  it  tumbled  down.  Another,  how- 
ever, of  pleasing  architecture,  is  being  constructed  of 
hewn  stones.  For  the  present  a room  which  was  built 
for  a granary  serves  as  a church.  In  it  are  an  altar 
with  wooden  table  and  steps,  a niche  containing  a 
sculptured  image  of  St.  Anthony,  an  image  of  Christ 
crucified,  and  another  of  St.  John.  All  of  these  are 
dressed  in  robes,  undergarments,  and  silken  vest- 
ments. 


The  con- 
vent. 


The  work- 
shops. 


The 

church. 


64 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


The  sac- 
risty. 


The  chapel. 


The  Indian 
dwellings. 


A big  room  is  used  as  the  sacristy.  In  it  are  kept 
the  large  boxes  that  contain  the  ornaments.  Among 
these  are  three  covered  chalices,  two  large  cups,  four 
communion  vessels,  a silken  case  for  the  cross,  a vessel 
and  a sprinkler  for  holy  water,  two  candlesticks,  an 
incense  boat  and  spoon,  a censer,  and  three  holy  oil 
vials.  All  of  these  are  of  silver. 

The  mission  has  a well  built  stone  chapel  eleven 
yards  long.  Among  its  ornaments  is  a stone  cross 
two  yards  high  and  capped  with  silver.  In  the  cross 
are  hidden  four  reliquaries,  each  containing  its  own 
relic.  The  altar  is  adorned  with  carved  and  painted 
images. 

There  are  seven  rows  of  houses  for  the  dwellings 
of  the  Indians.  They  are  made  of  stone  and  supplied 
with  doors  and 
windows.  They 
are  furnished 
with  high  beds, 
chests,  meta'tes, 
pots,  flat  earthen 
pans,  kettles, 
cauldrons,  and 
boilers.  With  their  arched  porticoes  the  houses  form 
a broad  and  beautiful  plaza  through  which  runs  a canal 
skirted  by  willows  and  fruit  trees,  and  used  by  the 
Indians.  To  insure  a supply  of  water  in  case  of 
blockade  by  the  enemy  a curbed  well  has  been  made. 


Molcajete  and  Metate 


DESCRIPTION  OF  A MISSION 


65 


For  the  defense  of  the  settlement  the  plaza  is  sur- 
rounded by  a wall.  Over  the  gate  is  a large  tower 
with  its  embrasures,  three  cannons,  some  firearms,  and 
appropriate  supplies. 

For  cultivating  the  fields  of  corn,  chile,  and  beans  The  tools- 
that  are  tilled  to  feed  the  Indians,  and  of  cotton  to 
clothe  them,  there  are  fifty  pairs  of  cart-oxen,  thirty 
of  which  are  driven  in  yoke.  There  are  also  traces, 
ploughs,  ploughshares,  fifty  axes,  forty  pickaxes, 
twenty-two  crowbars,  and  twenty-five  sickles.  For 
hauling  stone,  wood,  and  other  things  there  are  twelve 
carts.  For  carpentering  they  have  the  ordinary  tools, 
such  as  adzes,  chisels,  planes,  picks,  hammers,  saws, 
and  plummets.  For  use  in  repairing  their  imple- 
ments they  have  an  anvil,  tongs,  a screw,  mallets,  ham- 
mers, files,  and  other  things  connected  with  a forge. 

In  the  large  room  where  the  grain  is  kept  there  are 
at  present  about  eighteen  hundred  bushels  of  corn  and 
some  beans.  These  supplies  are  to  feed  the  Indians. 

The  mission  owns  a ranch  upon  which  is  a stone  The  ranch, 
house  about  twenty-five  yards  long.  It  has  an  arched 
portico,  and  is  divided  into  three  rooms.  These  are 
occupied  by  the  families  that  care  for  the  stock,  which 
consists  of  one  hundred  and  fifteen  gentle  horses,  one 
thousand  one  hundred  and  fifteen  head  of  cattle,  two 
thousand  three  hundred  sheep  and  goats,  two  hundred 
mares,  fifteen  jennies,  and  eighteen  saddle  mules. 

The  mission  and  the  ranch  have  the  necessary  cor- 

5. 


66 


THE  SPANISH  AND  THE  FRENCH 


rals.  For  the  irrigation  of  the  fields  there  is  a fine 
main  aqueduct. 

1.  Where  was  the  mission  San  Antonio  de  Valero  situated 
with  reference  to  the  San  Antonio  River?  2.  When  was  it 
founded  and  for  whom  named?  3.  What  was  the  population  of 
the  mission  settlement  at  the  time  this  description  was  written? 
4.  Name  the  different  buildings  described.  Compare  the  de- 
scription with  the  picture  on  page  62.  5.  How  were  the  Indians 

fed  and  clothed?  6.  Describe  the  dwellings  of  the  Indians.  7. 
Describe  the  stock  of  farm  implements  and  tools.  8.  What 
kinds  of  animals  were  raised  on  the  ranch? 


PART  II 

THE  FILIBUSTERS1 


“To  reckless  spirits  journeying  from  afar, 
’Tis  Texas  yet  presents  a polar  star.” 


16.  Hunting  Wild  Horses  in  Texas 

By  Ellis  P.  Bean  (1801) 

Why  Philip  Nolan  came  to  Texas  is  not  positively  known,  but 
the  Spanish  authorities  feared  that  he  had  evil  purposes.  A 
man  named  Richards,  who  had  been  with  Nolan,  told  the  Mexi- 
can viceroy  that  Nolan  intended  to  build  a fort  near  the  Caddo 
Indians,  hunt  for  mines,  catch  wild  horses,  and,  after  being 
joined  by  men  from  Kentucky,  to  conquer  Texas.  Bean  wrote 
this  narrative2  about  fifteen  years  after  the  Nolan  expedition. 

[At  Natchez]  I got  acquainted  with  a man  by  the  Joining  the 
name  of  Nolan,  who  had  been  for  some  years  trading  party* 
with  the  Spaniards  in  San  Antonio.  He  told  me  that 
he  was  going  to  make  another  voyage  to  that  country 
in  October,  and  entreated  me  to  go  along  with  him. 

I readily  agreed  to  go. 

filibuster  means,  ordinarily,  a pirate  or  freebooter.  In  Texas 
history  it  usually  applies  to  adventurers  who  came  here  to  get 
possession  of  the  country  by  raising  revolutions  or  by  other 
means. 

from  Yoakum,  History  of  Texas,  I,  Appendix. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  33-35;  (iarrison,  111-115. 


68 


THE  FILIBUSTERS 


Bluffing  the 
Spaniards. 


Across 

Texas. 


Steering  a west  course  through  the  Mississippi 
swamp  for  the  Washita,  we  were  about  forty  miles 
from  the  river  when  we  met  some  fifty  Spaniards, 
mounted  on  horseback  and  well  armed. 

They  had  been  sent  by  the  commandant  at  Washita 
to  stop  us;  but,  though  our  number  was  only  twenty- 
one,  they  were  afraid  to  attack  us.  We  asked  them 
their  business.  They  told  us  they  were  in  pursuit  of 
some  Choctaw  Indians  who  had  stolen  some  horses. 
This  was  false,  for  they  were  hunting  for  our  party, 
though  they  were  afraid  to  own  it. 

In  about  six  days’  journey  we  came  to  Trinity 
River,  and,  crossing  it,  we  found  the  big,  open  prairie 
of  that  country.  We  passed  through  the  plains  till 
we  reached  a spring,  which  we  called  the  Painted 
Spring,  because  a rock  at  the  head  of  it  was  painted 
by  the  Comanche  and  Pawnee  Indians  in  a peace  that 
was  made  there  by  these  two  nations.  We  found  that 
the  buffalo  were  getting  so  scarce  that  in  three  days 
after  passing  the  spring  we  were  forced,  in  order  to 
sustain  life,  to  eat  the  flesh  of  wild  horses,  which  we 
found  in  great  quantities.  For  about  nine  days  we 
were  compelled  to  eat  horseflesh,  when  we  arrived  at 
a river  called  the  Brazos.  Here  we  found  elk  and 
deer  plentiful,  some  buffalo,  and  wild  horses  by  thou- 
sands. We  built  a pen  and  caught  about  three  hun- 
dred horses. 

After  some  days  the  Comanche  nation  came  to  see 


HUNTING  WILD  HORSES 


69 


us.  They  were  a party  of  about  two  hundred  men, 
women,  and  children.  We  went  with  them  to  the 
south  fork  of  Red  River  to  see  their  chief,  Nicoro'co 
We  stayed  with  them  a month.  We  then  thought  of 
returning  to  our  old  camp,  where  we  had  caught  our 
horses,  and  taking  some  more;  for  a great  many  of 
those  we  had  captured  had  died  for  want  of  being 
well  cared  for.  In  about  five  days  we  arrived  at  our 
old  camp.  The  Indians  stayed  with  us  but  a few 
days,  and  then  went  on  in  search -of  buffalo. 

When  they  left,  a party  of  them  stole  from  us 
eleven  head  of  horses.  They  were  our  gentle  horses, 
and  all  we  had  for  running  wild  horses;  so  that  we 
were  left  unable  to  do  anything.  We  concluded  to 
pursue  the  robbers;  but  this  had  to  be  done  on  foot. 
Philip  Nolan,  Robert  Ashley,  Joseph  Reed,  David 
Fero,  a negro  man  called  Caesar,  and  myself,  were 
the  volunteers  of  our  small  party.  We  pursued  them 
nine  days,  and  came  upon  them,  encamped  on  a small 
creek.  They  did  not  see  us  till  we  were  within  fifty 
yards  of  them.  We  went  up  in  a friendly  manner. 

There  were  but  four  men,  and  some  women  and  chil- 
dren. The  rest  (twelve  men  in  number)  had  gone  out 
to  kill  buffalo.  I saw  four  of  our  horses  close  by,  feed- 
ing. I pointed  to  them  and  told  the  Indians  we  had 
come  for  them-,  and  that  they  must  bring  to  us  the 
others  they  had  stolen.  An  old  man  said  the  one  who 
had  stolen  them  had  taken  the  others  out  hunting,  but 


Exchang- 
ing visits. 


Chasing  In- 
dian horse 
thieves. 


70 


THE  FILIBUSTERS 


One  Eye 
caught,  and 
the  horses 
regained. 


that  he  would  be  in  that  evening.  He  said  the  rogue 
who  stole  them  had  but  one  eye,  by  which  we  would 
know  him  when  he  came.  They  gave  us  meat,  of 
which  they  had  a large  quantity  drying;  and  then  we 
were  glad  to  lie  down  and  rest. 

In  the  evening,  as  the  old  man  said,  One-Eye  came 
up  with  our  horses.  We  took  him  and  tied  him,  the 
others  saying  nothing,  and  kept  him  tied  till  morning. 
•His  wife  then  gave  us  all  our  horses,  and  we  took 
from  the  thief  all  the  meat  we  could  conveniently 
carry.  We  then  told  them  all  that  there  were  but  few 
of  us,  but  we  could  whip  twice  their  number,  and  they 
were  of  the  same  opinion.  We  returned  safely  to  our 
camp,  and  found  the  pen  in  good  repair  and  all  in 
readiness  to  run  horses. 


1.  What  was  Nolan’s  purpose  in  coming  to  Texas?  2.  Where 
did  he  get  up  his  expedition?  3.  In  what  part  of  Texas  did  his 
party  find  wild  horses  most  plentiful?  4.  What  game  did  he 
find?  5.  Where  was  the  Comanche  camp  which  Nolan’s  party 
visited  ? 


DEATH  OF  PHILIP  NOLAN 


71 


17.  The  Death  of  Philip  Nolan 

In  this  piece  we  have  accounts  of  the  death  of  Philip  Nolan 
given  by  two  witnesses,  one  from  each  side — Bean,  who  was  in 
the  captured  party,  and  Lieutenant  Musquiz  [Mus-keece'] , the 
Mexican  officer  who  captured  them.  Musquiz’s  story  is  taken 
from  his  diary. 

i.  As  Told  by  Ellis  P.  Bean  (1801) 

In  four  days  more  it  was  our  misfortune  to  be 
attacked  by  a hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards  sent  by  the 
commandant  at  Chihuahua,  called  Don  Salce'do.  The 
troops  that  came  were  piloted  by  Indians  from  Nacog- 
doches. They  surrounded  our  camp  about  one  o’clock 
in  the  morning,  on  the  22d  of  March,  1801.  They 
took  the  five  Spaniards  and  one  American  that  were 
guarding  our  horses,  leaving  but  twelve  of  us,  includ- 
ing Caesar.  We  were  all  alarmed  by  the  tramping  of 
their  horses;  and,  as  day  broke,  without  speaking  a 
word,  they  commenced  their  fire.  After  about  ten 
minutes  our  gallant  leader,  Nolan,  was  slain  by  a 
musket  ball  which  hit  him  in  the  head. 

In  a few  minutes  they  began  to  fire  grape  shots  at 
us.  They  had  brought  a small  swivel  on  a mule.  We 
had  a pen  that  we  had  built  of  logs,  to  prevent  the 
Indians  from  stealing  from  us.  From  this  pen  we 
returned  their  fire  until  about  nine  o’clock.  We  then 
had  two  men  wounded  and  one  killed.  I told  my 


Attacked 
by  Span- 
iards. 


A desperate 
situation. 


72 


THE  FILIBUSTERS 


Retreat. 


companions  that  we  ought  to  charge  on  the  cannon 
and  take  it.  Two  or  three  agreed  to  this,  but  the  rest 

appeared  unwilling.  I 
told  them  it  was  at 
most  but  death ; if  we 
stood  still  all  would 
doubtless  be  killed ; 
and  that  we  must  take 
the  cannon  or  retreat. 
It  was  agreed  that  we 
should  retreat.  Our 
number  was  eleven,  of 
which  two  were 
wounded.  The  powder 
that  we  could  not  put 
into  our  horns  was 
given  to  Caesar  to  carry,  while  the  rest  were  to  make 
use  of  their  arms.  So  we  set  out  through  a prairie, 
and  shortly  crossed  a small  creek.  While  we  were  de- 
fending ourselves,  Caesar  stopped  at  the  creek  and 
surrendered  himself,  with  the  ammunition,  to  the 
enemy.  Of  the  two  wounded  men,  one  stopped  and 
gave  himself  up,  the  other  came  on  with  us.  There 
were  then  nine  of  us  that  stood  the  fire  of  the  enemy, 
who  were  on  both  sides  of  us,  for  a march  of  half  a 
mile.  We  were  so  fortunate  that  not  a man  of  us  got 
hurt,  though  the  balls  played  around  us  like  hail. 


DEATH  OF  PHILIP  NOLAN 


73 


In  our  march  we  came  to  a deep  ravine.  Here  we 
took  refuge  and  stopped  some  time.  They  then  be- 
gan to  come  too  close  to  us,  when  we  commenced 
firing  afresh.  They  then  retreated.  About  three 
o’clock  in  the  afternoon  they  hoisted  a white  flag 
and  told  us  that  the  commander  wanted  us  to  re- 
turn to  our  own  country  and  not  remain  with  the 
Indians.  We  quickly  offered  to  go  with  them  as  com- 
panions, but  not  to  give  up  our  arms.  It  was  agreed, 
and  we  went  back  and  buried  our  gallant  leader  Nolan. 

2.  As  Told  by  Lieutenant  Musquiz 1 

20th. — At  daybreak  I arrived  at  the  wooden  in- 
trenchment.  Detained  two  Indians,  who  informed 
me  that  Nolan  and  his  men  were  at  a place  between 
a creek  and  some  hills,  and  that  they  had  a house  with- 
out a roof.  As  soon  as  night  closed  I started,  guided 
by  the  Tahuaya  [Ta-wa'-ya]  Indians;  and,  traveling 
all  night,  I arrived  before  daylight  at  the  place  where 
Nolan  was.  Concealing  our  men  behind  a hill,  I 
waited  for  the  morning. 

2 ist. — At  sunrise,  having  divided  my  force  into 
three  bodies — one  commanded  by  me,  and  carrying  a 
four-pounder — I marched  on  Nolan’s  intrenchment. 
When  I was  at  a distance  of  about  thirty  paces  from 
it,  ten  men  sallied  from  the  intrenchment,  unarmed. 


A condi- 
tional sur- 
render.- 


A wooden 
barricade. 


A parley 
near  Waco. 


^n  Baker,  A Texas  Scrap  Boole,  232-233. 


74 


THE  FILIBUSTERS 


Deter- 
mined to 
fight. 


Nolan’s 

death. 


A pair  of 
ears. 


Among  them  was  Nolan,  who  said : “Do  not  ap- 

proach, because  either  one  or  the  other  will  be  killed/’ 
Noticing  that  the  men  who  accompanied  Nolan  were 
foreigners,  I ordered  Mr.  William  Barr,  an  Irishman, 
who  had  joined  my  command  as  interpreter,  to  speak 
to  them  in  English,  and  say  that  I had  come  for  the 
purpose  of  arresting  them,  and  that  I expected  them 
to  surrender  in  the  name  of  the  king.  Nolan  had  a 
brief  conversation  with  Barr,  and  the  latter  informed 
me  that  Nolan  and  his  men  were  determined  to  fight. 

Nolan  immediately  entered  his  intrenchment,  fol- 
lowed by  his  men,  and  I observed  that  two  Mexicans 
escaped  from  the  rear  of  the  intrenchment  soon  after. 
They  joined  us,  stating  that  they  had  brought  with 
them  Nolan’s  carbine,  which  was  handed  to  me.  At 
daybreak  Nolan  and  his  men  commenced  firing.  The 
fight  lasted  until  nine  o’clock  a.  m.,  when,  Nolan  be- 
ing killed  by  a cannon  ball,  his  men  surrendered.  They 
were  out  of  ammunition.  His  force  at  the  time  of 
the  engagement  was  composed  of  fourteen  Americans, 
one  Creole  of  Louisiana,  seven  Spaniards  or  Mexicans, 
and  two  negro  slaves.  Nolan  had  three  men  wounded 
and  several  horses  killed.  His  men  had  long  beards. 

After  the  surrender  I learned  that  they  had  left 
Natchez  with  supplies  for  two  months,  and  had  been 
in  the  woods  and  prairies  of  Texas  over  seven  months, 
living  on  horse  meat.  Nolan’s  negroes  asked  per- 
mission to  bury  their  master,  which  I granted,  after 


STRIKE  FOR  LIBERTY 


75 


causing  his  ears  to  be  cut  off,  in  order  to  send  them 
to  the  governor  of  Texas. 


1.  Compare  the  two  accounts  as  to  the  following  points:  The 

day  of  the  fight ; who  fired  first ; how  early  in  the  fight  Nolan 
fell;  what  happened  after  he  fell;  by  what  he  was  killed;  the 
terms  of  the  surrender.  2.  Which  account  do  you  think  is 
probably  the  more  accurate? 


18.  Strike  for  Liberty 

By  Bernardo  Gutierrez  (1813) 

After  the  death  of  Philip  Nolan  the  ill  feeling  between  the 
Spaniards  and  the  Americans  increased,  and  the  men  of  our  bor- 
der only  waited  for  a good  opportunity  to  invade  Spanish  terri- 
tory. This  was  found  when,  in  1811,  a revolution  broke  out  in 
Mexico.  Then  Augustus  Magee,  a soldier  of  the  United  States, 
and  Bernar'do  Gu-ti-er'-rez,  a Mexican  revolutionist,  together 
planned  to  free  Texas  from  Mexico.  In  the  neutral  ground,  east 
of  the  Sabine  River,  they  raised  a force  of  Mexican  and  American 
adventurers.  Gutierrez  issued  a call  to  the  friends  of  liberty 
(given  here1)  and  with  a small  army  conquered  east  Texas.  Then, 
with  a larger  force,  the  leaders  together  captured  La  Bahia. 

Chiefs,  Soldiers,  and  Citizens:  It  has  been  Throw  off 

the  yoke. 

more  than  a year  since  I set  out  from  my  country  [to 
the  United  States].  During  this  time  I have  worked 
hard  for  our  good.  I had  to  overcome  many  diffi- 
culties, but  I made  friends,  and  found  ways  for  help- 
ing us  throw  off  the  barbarous  and  insulting  yoke 
which  has  oppressed  us.  Rise  all  together,  soldiers 
and  citizens,  and  unite  in  the  holy  cause  of  our  inde- 


^ranslated  from  a proclamation  issued  by  Gutierrez,  Septem- 
ber 1,  1812,  in  the  Bexar  Archives  (MS.). 

Read:  Pennybacker,  35-37;  Garrison.  116-117. 


76 


THE  FILIBUSTERS 


Help  is 
coming. 


pendence,  for  on  it  depends  the  happiness  of  our  coun- 
try. Many  of  our  friends  have  died  unjustly  under 
the  sword  of  these  tyrants.  Their  blood  from  the 
tomb  cries  to  us  for  vengeance.  Their  spirits  are  be- 
fore the  throne  of  God  praying  for  our  success. 

To-day  I am  marching  to  your  aid  with  a good- 
sized  force  of  American  volunteers,  who  have  left 
their  homes  and  families  to  take  up  our  cause  and 
fight  for  our  liberty.  These  free  descendants  of  men 
who  fought  for  the  independence  of  the  United  States 
know  the  worth  of  the  liberty  their  fathers  gave  to 
them.  And,  as  our  brothers  and  inhabitants  of  the 
same  continent,  they  unsheathe  their  swords  in  de- 
fense of  the  cause  of  humanity,  and  to  drive  back 
the  European  tyrants  to  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic. 

Eellow  patriots,  your  liberty  is  the  object  of  my 
efforts.  Your  rights  must  be  protected  and  our  holy 
religion  must  be  respected.  Awake,  awake,  rise 
against  the  tyrants  who  try  to  hold  dominion  over 
your  lives!  The  rightful  power  is  in  your  hands. 
Use  it  and  you  will  soon  have  liberty! 


MAGEE’S  EXPEDITION 


77 


19.  The  End  of  Magee’s  Expedition 

(1813) 

Magee  died  at  La  Bahia,  but  Gutierrez  went  with  the  army  to 
San  Antonio,  captured  it,  and  proclaimed  the  freedom  of  Texas. 
Many  of  the  Americans  now  went  home.  Gutierrez’s  success  was 
short-lived.  He  was  removed  from  office,  and  his  army,  led  by 
Toledo,  was  soon  defeated  in  a terrible  fight  at  the  Medina,  which 
ended  the  revolution  in  Texas.  The  account  here  given  of  the 
battle  of  the  Medina1  and  of  the  retreat  of  the  insurgents  across 
the  province  is  an  “extract  of  a letter  from  a gentleman  of  first 
respectability”  written  at  Natchitoches,  September  4,  1813. 

I am  sorry  to  inform  you  that  the  Republican  army 
was,  on  the  18th  of  last  month,  entirely  defeated 
twenty  miles  beyond  San  Antonio  by  the  army  of 
Arredon'do. 

General  Toledo  attacked  them  in  their  camp  with 
a force  of  about  one  to  three.  The  royalists  were  at 
first  beaten  and  driven  back  some  distance  with  the 
loss  of  three  pieces  of  cannon  and  many  killed.  Gen- 
eral Toledo,  suspecting  an  ambuscade,  ordered  his 
troops  to  halt  and  form  on  better  ground,  but  the 
Americans,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  their  officers, 
rushed  into  the  ambuscade.  Many  pieces  of  cannon 
were  opened  on  them  and  they  were  nearly  all  killed. 

Such  as  were  not  killed  retreated  in  confusion, 
leaving  everything  behind.  General  Toledo,  and 
Colonels  Kemper  and  Perry,  with  about  sixty  others, 
have  arrived  at  Nacogdoches.  Report  says  there  are 

JFrom  Niles ’ Register,  V,  104. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  42-45;  Garrison,  120-121. 


Bad  news. 


Too  brave. 


Retreat. 


78 


THE  FILIBUSTERS 


as  many  more  at  the  Trinity.  W.  B.  Wilkinson,  who 
was  acting  as  aid  to  General  Toledo,  arrived  at  Natchi- 
toches yesterday.  He  returned  this  morning  to  en- 
able such  as  were  at  Nacogdoches  to  make  a stand 
and  cover  the  retreating  remnant  of  the  army. 

Fleeing  Three  hundred  families  left  San  Antonio  and  La 

dondo/  Bah'i'a  for  this  place,  two  hundred  of  them  being 
women  on  foot.  They  were  escaping  the  bloody 
vengeance  of  Arredondo,  who,  at  At-li-me'-a  and  Sal- 
tillo [Sal-teel'-yo]  distinguished  himself  by  putting 
women  and  children  to  death. 

It  is  probable  that  three  hundred  Americans  are 
lost,  and  that  the  whole  country  between  Rio  Grande 
and  the  Sabine  will  be  desolated.  We  can  as  yet  form 
nothing  like  a list  of  the  whole  number  killed.  From 
persons  who  are  hourly  arriving  here  we  are  led  to 
believe  that  in  a few  days  we  shall  have  several  hun- 
dred of  the  most  wretched  human  beings  fleeing  from 
their  country  and  their  homes  to  save  their  lives. 

Doctor  Forsythe  is  safe  at  Nacogdoches.  William 
Slocum,  the  two  Gormleys,  and  Caston,  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi territory,  are  missing. 

1.  Who  was  Magee?  Gutierrez?  2.  What  was  their  object  in 
invading  Texas?  3.  What  and  where  was  the  Neutral  Ground? 
4.  Of  what  people  was  the  array  composed?  5.  To  whom  was 
Gutierrez’s  proclamation  addressed?  6.  Where  had  he  been? 

7.  On  what  grounds  did  he  appeal  to  Mexicans?  Americans? 

8.  Who  led  the  royalists?  9.  What  was  the  conduct  of  the 
Americans  in  the  battle  of  the  Medina?  9.  What  do  you  think 
of  Arredondo? 


SOME  FRENCH  FILIBUSTERS 


79 


20.  Some  French  Filibusters 

By  Hartmann  and  Millard  (1818) 

In  1818  two  French  generals,  Lallemand  [Lall-e-mand']  and 
Rigaud  [Rego'],  after  an  attempt  to  found  a colony  in  Alabama, 
asked  of  the  Spanish  government  permission  to  settle  in 
Texas.  This  was  not  granted,  but  they  came,  nevertheless, 
bringing  one  hundred  and  twenty  colonists.  They  settled 
on  the  Trinity  River,  about  twelve  miles  above  its  mouth,  and 
named  their  abode  Champ  d’Asile  [chong  da  zeel'],  which  means 
field  of  refuge.  In  spite  of  their  high-sounding  boast  that  they 
would  hold  by  force,  if  need  be,  the  land  on  which  they  were  set- 
tled, with  the  first  show  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  the  Spaniards 
they  scurried  to  Galveston.  The  pompous  language  in  which 
Hartmann  and  Millard,  who  were  in  the  party,  afterward  de- 
scribed the  enterprise  is  very  amusing  when  we  remember  how 
little  they  accomplished.  Their  story,  part  of  which  is  given 
here,1  is  really  “much  ado  about  nothing.” 

It  seemed  that  the  colony  could  only  continue  to 
prosper.  The  neighboring  Indian  tribes  felt  that  they 
had  nothing  to  fear  from  our  nearness  to  them,  and 
wished  to  live  on  good  terms  with  us.  They  sent  an 
embassy  to  offer  us  the  pipe  of  peace,  and  to  do  hom- 
age to  General  Lallemand'. 

We  thought  that,  being  thus  at  peace  with  the  na- 
tives of  the  country,  we  should  have  no  cause  for  fear- 
ing the  Europeans,  who  like  us,  and  with  no  better 
title  to  ownership,  inhabited  the  country.  How  great 
was  our  error!  We  soon  learned  that  the  Spanish 
garrisons  of  San  Antonio  and  La  Bahia,  aided  by  some 

translated  from  Hartmann  and  Millard,  Le  Texas,  ou  No- 
tice Historique  sur  le  Champ  D’Asile,  37-43. 


Good 

prospects. 


Rumor  of 
the  enemy. 


80 


THE  FILIBUSTERS 


A brave 
though 
prudent 
general. 


friendly  Indian  tribes,  were  marching  to  attack  us  and 
drive  us  from  the  province  of  Texas. 

Though  our  numbers  were  few,  we  were  used  to 
fighting,  and  accustomed  to  conquering  our  foes  before 
counting  them.  Our  first  thought  was  to  stand  firm, 
await  their  coming,  and  punish  their  temerity.  But 


The  French  Settlement  on  the  Trinity 


reflection  caused  us  to  suppress  this  first  wave  of  cour- 
age and  indignation.  Our  general  showed  us  that  our 
supplies  might  fail ; that  after  we  had  crushed  the  ad- 
vancing troops,  others  might  come  and  surround  our 
camp,  when  we  should  be  forced  to  surrender  or  to 
starve.  He  thought  the  wisest  course  would  be  to 
abandon  Champ  d’Asile  [Chong  da  zeel']  and  return 
to  Galveston,  the  only  place  where  we  could  easily  pro- 
cure supplies. 


A DAY  WITH  LAFITTE 


81 


We  were  all  of  the  same  opinion  as  our  general, 
whose  sagacity  and  prudence  we  had  had  occasion  to 
test.  We  put  our  food,  ammunition,  and  baggage 
upon  our  vessels,  which  were  at  anchor  in  the  Trinity 
River,  and  bidding  good-bye  to  our  dwellings  in  this 
Field  of  Refuge,  which  we  were  forced  to  leave  al- 
most before  we  had  had  time  to  set  up  our  household 
gods,  we  embarked  upon  the  Trinity  River.  Its  cur- 
rent soon  bore  us  into  Galveston  bay. 

Our  retreat  was  made  in  the  most  perfect  order, 
without  confusion  and  without  accident,  except  that 
a negro  was  drowned. 

1.  Name  all  the  buildings  in  the  French  settlement  as  it  is 
shown  in  the  picture.  2.  Where  was  the  Field  of  Refuge?  3. 
Do  you  think  the  Frenchmen  were  very  brave  ? 


21.  A Day  With  Lafitte 

Writer  Unknown  (1819) 

In  1817  Jean  Lafitte  established  his  headquarters  on  Galveston 
Island.  He  claimed  that  he  was  not  a pirate,  and  that  he  at- 
tacked only  Spanish  vessels.  The  United  States  government, 
however,  thought  it  necessary  to  watch  him  closely,  and  several 
times  during  the  four  years  that  he  was  at  Galveston  a war  ship 
was  sent  there  to  investigate  his  conduct.  The  account  which 
follows  was  written,  it  is  claimed,  by  one  who  accompanied  an 
expedition  of  this  sort  in  1819. 

To  the  captain’s  hail,  “Is  Commodore  Lafitte  in  the 
harbor?”  a tall,  good-looking  person  in  a palmetto 

1From  The  United  States  Magazine  and  Democratic  Review, 
VI  (1839),  pp.  37-42. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  49-50;  Garrison,  133-135. 

6. 


Discretion 
is  the  bet- 
ter part  of 
valor. 


An  orderly 
retreat. 


A social  call 
on  Captain 
Lafitte. 


82 


THE  FILIBUSTERS 


hat,  with  bushy  whiskers  and  mustaches,  answered  in 
good  English,  “Captain  Lafitte  (with  a marked  em- 
phasis on  the  ‘captain’)  is.” 

“I  wish  to  see  him.” 
“You’ll  find  him  on  board 
that  brig  yonder.” 

We  pulled  to  the  brig — she 
was  full  of  men. 

All  sorts  of  faces,  white, 
yellow,  black,  and  dingy,  re- 
connoitered  us  from  the  bul- 
warks, and  seemed  to  look 
with  little  love  at  the  cocked 
hat  and  epaulettes  of  the  reg- 
ular man-of-war. 

“Is  Captain  Lafitte  on 
board  ?” 

“No,  senor,”  a hardy-looking,  gray-headed  old  fel- 
low answered,  taking  his  cigarette  from'  his  mouth 
and  proceeding  to  light  a fresh  one.  He  gave  us 
some  directions  in  Spanish,  which  I did  not  under- 
stand; the  amount  of  which,  however,  was  that  “El 
Capitan”  [the  captain]  might  be  found  on  board  the 
schooner.  And  to  the  schooner  we  accordingly  rowed. 
To  our  inquiry,  Captain  Lafitte  answered  himself, 
with  an  invitation  to  come  on  board. 


A DAY  WITH  LAFITTE 


83 


My  description  of  this  renowned  chieftain,  to  cor-  How  he 

J . looked. 

respond  with  the  original,  will  shock  the  preconceived 
notions  of  many  who  have  hitherto  pictured  him  as 
the  hero  of  a novel  or  a melodrama.  I am  compelled 
by  truth  to  introduce  him  as  a stout,  rather  gentle- 
manly personage,  some  five  feet  ten  inches  in  height, 
dressed  very  simply  in  a foraging  cap  and  blue  frock 
of  a most  villainous  fit.  His  complexion,  like  most 
creoles,  was  olive;  his  countenance  full,  mild,  and 
rather  impressive  but  for  a small  black  eye  which 
now  and  then,  as  he  grew  animated  in  conversation, 
would  flash  in  a way  which  impressed  me  with  a no- 
tion that  “El  Capitan”  might  be,  when  roused,  a very 
“ugly  customer.” 

His  demeanor  toward  us  was  exceedingly  courteous, 
and  upon  learning  Captain  Kearny’s  mission,  he  in- 
vited us  below,  and  tendered  “the  hospitalities  of  the 
vessel.” 

“I  am  making  my  arrangements,”  Lafitte  observed,  PreParing 

tO  168/VG 

“to  leave  the  bay.  The  ballast  of  the  brig  has  been  Galveston, 
shifted.  As  soon  as  we  can  get  her  over  the  bar  we 
sail.” 

“We  supposed  that  your  flotilla  was  larger,”  Cap- 
tain Kearny  remarked. 

“I  have  men  on  shore,”  said  Lafitte — not  apparently 
noticing  the  remark — “who  are  destroying  the  fort, 
and  preparing  some  spars  for  the  brig.  Will  you  go 
on  shore  and  look  at  what  I am  doing?” 


84 


THE  FILIBUSTERS 


A motley 
crew. 


Disman- 
tling the 
fort. 


Lafitte’s 

justice. 


We  returned  to  the  deck,  and  Lafitte  pointed  us  to 
the  preparations  which  had  been  made  on  board  the 
brig  for  getting  her  to  sea.  The  schooner  on  which 
we  were,  mounted  a long  gun  amidships  and  six  nine- 
pounders  a side.  There  were,  I should  think,  fifteen 
or  twenty  men  on  deck,  apparently  of  all  nations ; and 
below  I could  see  there  were  a great  many  more. 
There  was  no  appearance  of  any  uniform  among  them, 
nor,  to  the  eyes  of  a man-of-war’s  man,  much  disci- 
pline. The  officers,  or  those  who  appeared  such,  were 
in  plain  clothes,  and  Lafitte  himself  was  without  any 
distinguishing  mark  of  his  rank. 

On  the  shore  we  passed  a long  shed  under  which 
a party  was  at  work,  and  around  which  junk,  cord- 
age, sails,  and  all  sorts  of  heterogeneous  matters  were 
scattered  in  confusion.  Beyond  this  we  came  across 
a four-gun  fort.  It  had  been  advantageously  located, 
and  was  a substantial  looking  affair,  but  now  was 
nearly  dismantled,  and  a gang  was  completing  the 
work  of  destruction. 

“You  see,  Captain,  I am  getting  ready  to  leave.  I 
am  friendly  to  your  country.  Ah,  they  call  me  a pi- 
rate. But  I am  not  a pirate.  You  see  there?”  said 
he,  pointing  suddenly  toward  the  point  of  the  beach. 

“I  see,”  said  our  skipper,  “what  does  that  mean?” 

The  object  to  which  our  attention  was  thus  directed 
was  the  dead  body  of  a man  dangling  from  a rude 
gibbet  erected  on  the  beach. 


A DAY  WITH  LAFITTE 


85 


“That  is  my  justice.  That  vaurien  [good-for-noth- 
ing] plundered  an  American  schooner.  The  captain 
complained  to  me  of  him,  and  he  was  found  guilty 
and  hung.  Will  you  go  on  board  my  brig?” 

On  this  vessel  there  was  evidently  a greater  atten- 
tion paid  to  discipline.  Lafitte  led  the  way  into  his 
cabin,  where  preparation  had  already  been  made  for 
dinner,  to  partake  of  which  we  were  invited.  Sea  air 
and  exercise  are  proverbial  persuaders  of  the  appetite ; 
and  Mr.  Lafitte* s display  of  good  stew,  dried  fish,  and 
wild  turkey  was  more  tempting  than  prize  money. 
Under  the  influence  of  the  most  generous  and  racy 
wines  be  became  quite  sociable.  Lafitte  was  evidently 
educated  and  gifted  with  no  common  talent  for  con- 
versation. 

“I  should  like  very  much  to  hear  your  life,  Captain,” 
I remarked. 

He  smiled  and  shrugged  his  shoulders.  “It  is  noth- 
ing extraordinary,”  he  said.  “I  can  tell  it  in  a very 
few  words.  But  there  was  a time” — and  he  drew  a 
long  breath — “when  I could  not  tell  it  without  cock- 
ing both  pistols. 

“Eighteen  years  ago  I was  a merchant  in  San 
Domingo.  My  father  before  me  was  a merchant.  I 
had  become  rich.  I had  married  me  a wife.  I deter- 
mined to  go  to  Europe,  and  I wound  up  all  my  affairs 
in  the  West  Indies.  I sold  my  property  there.  I 
bought  a ship  and  loaded  her,  besides  which,  I had 


A tempting 
dinner. 


Lafitte’s 
own  story. 


86 


THE  FILIBUSTERS 


on  board  a large  amount  of  specie — all  that  I was 
worth,  in  short.  Well,  sir,  when  the  vessel  that  I 
was  on  had  been  a week  at  sea  we  were  overhauled 
by  a Spanish  man-of-war.  The  Spaniards  captured 
us.  They  took  everything — goods,  specie,  even  my 
wife’s  jewels.  They  set  us  on  shore  on  a barren  sand 
key,  with  just  provisions  enough  to  keep  us  alive  a 
few  days.  An  American  schooner  took  us  off,  and 
landed  us  in  New  Orleans.  I did  not  care  what  be- 
came of  me.  I was  a beggar.  My  wife  took  the 
fever  from  exposure  and  hardship,  and  died  in  three 
days  after  my  arrival.  I met  some  daring  fellows  who 
wrs  as  poor  as  I was.  We  bought  a schooner,  and 
declared  against  Spain  eternal  war.  Fifteen  years  I 
have  carried  on  a war  against  Spain.  So  long  as  I 
live  I am  at  war  with  Spain,  but  no  other  nation.  I 
am  at  peace  with  the  world,  except  Spain.  Although 
they  call  me  a pirate,  I am  not  guilty  of  attacking  any 
vessel  of  the  English  or  French.  I showed  you  the 
place  where  my  own  people  have  been  punished  for 
plundering  American  property.” 

1.  Who  was  Latitte?  2.  Where  were  his  headquarters?  3. 
What  did  he  say  was  his  reason  for  becoming  a pirate  ? 4.  How 

did  the  government  of  the  United  States  regard  him?  5.  Did 
he  leave  Galveston  Island  when  he  promised  to  (Study  the  in- 
troduction) ? 6.  In  what  ways  does  the  description  of  Lafitte 

differ  from  the  picture  of  him? 


LAST  OF  THE  FILIBUSTERS 


87 


22.  The  Last  of  the  Filibusters 

By  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar  (1819) 

Between  1803  and  1819  Texas  was  claimed  by  both  the  United 
States  and  Spain.  In  1819,  after  the  United  States  had  given 
up  her  claim,  Dr.  James  Long  organized  an  expedition  in  Natchez, 
Mississippi,  and  went  to  Texas  for  the  purpose  of  taking  it  from 
Spain  and  establishing  an  independent  republic.  This  selection 
describes  the  failure  of  his  first  expedition.  General  Lamar  got 
his  information  for  this  account1  from  Mrs.  Long.  (See  intro- 
ductory note,  p.  92.) 

Long  was  by  nature  a soldier,  and  had  always 
sighed  after  a proper  field  for  the  indulgence  of  his 
military  spirit.  The  citizens  of  Natchez  resolved  to 
make  one  more  effort  in  behalf  of  the  liberties  of  that 
oppressed  and  bleeding  province  [Texas].  A meet- 
ing was  accordingly  held  by  the  inhabitants,  and  ar- 
rangements entered  into  for  an  immediate  and  vigor- 
ous assault  upon  the  country.  The  command  was 
tendered  to  General  Long. 

He  accepted  the  responsibility  with  pride  and  pleas- 
ure, and  entered  at  once  upon  the  duties  of  the  station. 
His  activity  and  zeal  soon  rendered  the  project  quite 
popular.  He  pledged  the  whole  of  his  private  for- 
tune in  the  enterprise.  With  the  best  wishes  for  his 
welfare,  he  left  Natchez  with  about  seventy-five  of 
the  most  hardy  and  intrepid  followers,  on  the  17th  of 
June,  1819.  As  he  pushed  from  the  shore,  a shot 
from  the  cannon  was  fired  to  his  success.  He  pushed 

1 From  Foote,  Texas  and  the  Texans,  I,  202-216,  passim. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  50-52;  Garrison,  121-124. 


Getting  up 
the  expe- 
dition. 


General 
Long  in 
command. 


88 


THE  FILIBUSTERS 


Long’s 

designs. 


A declara- 
tion of  inde- 
pendence. 


for  Natchitoches,  where  he  had  means  of  his  own,  and 
many  friends ; thence  to  the  Sabine,  and  on  to  Nacog- 
doches. Here,  in  a short  time  after  his  arrival,  he 
was  able  to  muster  about  three  hundred  strong. 

Long’s  designs  were  by  many  either  misunderstood 
or  misrepresented.  The  expedition  was  to  get  pos- 
session of  the  country,  to  rescue  it  from  the  grasp  of 
tyranny,  and  secure  its  settlement  by  North  Americans. 


The  Old  Stone  Fort  at  Nacogdoches1 

General  Long  hoped  to  achieve  by  military  operations 
what  the  two  Austins  had  the  ability  and  address  to 
accomplish  by  peaceful  negotiations. 

At  Nacogdoches  the  council  met  on  the  22d  of  June, 
1819,  and  on  the  succeeding  day  declared  the  province 
a free  and  independent  republic. 

1The  picture  shows  the  fort  as  it  was  in  recent  times,  with 
windows  and  galleries  added. 


LAST  OF  THE  FILIBUSTERS 


89 


General  Long  then  made  preparation  to  go  to  Gal- 
veston, for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a small  post  at 
Bolivar  Point,  and  also  to  obtain,  if  possible,  some 
munitions  of  war  from  the  celebrated  lord  of  that 
island,  Jean  Lafitte.  He  had  already  opened  a cor- 
respondence with  this  bold  rover  of  the  seas.  Per- 
suaded that  some  assistance  might  be  obtained  from 
the  pirate  by  a personal  interview,  the  general  re- 
solved upon  a visit. 

At  this  time  his  wife  arrived.  Leaving  her  in  the 
family  of  a Mr.  Amberson,  he  departed  for  the  island, 
taking  with  him  thirteen  men.  And  now  commenced 
the  calamities  of  the  whole  expedition.  On  arriving 
at  the  Coshat'tie  [Indian]  village,  the  very  first  thing 
that  saluted  his  ears  was  the  unexpected  tidings  of  the 
enemy’s  approach.  The  Indians  reported  the  Span- 
iards as  advancing  rapidly,  seven  hundred  strong. 

Orders  were  immediately  dispatched  to  Cook,  Wal- 
ker, and  David  Long,  to  repair  forthwith  to  this  vil- 
lage, where  he  intended  to  give  the  invaders  battle. 
He  hastened  with  all  possible  speed  to  Galveston 
Island,  but,  not  receiving  the  expected  assistance,  re- 
turned without  delay  to  the  village.  Here  he  was 
greeted  by  a letter  from  his  wife,  dated  a day  or  two 
after  his  departure  from  Nacogdoches,  apprising  him 
of  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  and  of  the  disorgan- 
ized condition  of  that  post. 

Exasperated  at  the  conduct  of  Cook,  he  mounted 


Asking  aid 

from 

Lafitte. 


The  begin- 
ning of  mis- 
fortunes. 


Lafitte  re- 
fuses aid. 


90 


THE  FILIBUSTERS 


The  ruin 
the  expe- 
dition. 


his  horse  and  dashed  for  Nacogdoches.  On  the  way 
he  met  his  wife,  hurrying  from  the  place. 

The  town  was  now  entirely  deserted,  with  no  human 
being  in  it  except  himself.  He  commenced  gathering 
the  public  arms  and  ammunition,  and  while  he  was 
busily  concealing  them  in  an  old  dry  well,  he  heard 
his  name  whispered.  The  man  who  called  him  was 
so  worn  down  by  hunger  and  fatigue  that  Long  did 
not  recognize  his  faithful  lieutenant.  “My  name,” 
said  the  wretched  being,  “is  Lightle.”  At  the  men- 
tion of  Lightle  Long  rushed  to  his  support.  This 
brave  and  suffering  lieutenant  was  attached  to  John- 
son’s party,  and  from  him  Long  now  received  an  ac- 
count of  the  fate  of  that  unfortunate  company.  They 
had  been  surprised  and  defeated.  “And  what  of  Wal- 
ker and  my  brother  David?”  inquired  the  general. 
“Of  them,”  said  Lightle,  “I  know  nothing.”  This 
news  fell  heavy  on  the  heart  of  Long;  he  read  in  it 
the  ruin  of  his  expedition. 

After  taking  his  wife  to  Natchitoches,  General  Long 
himself  returned  to  Texas.  At  Bolivar  Point  he  col- 
lected the  scattered  fragments  of  his  ruined  forces, 
and  learned  from  them  the  sorrowful  tidings  of  their 
sufferings. 

1.  What  was  the  object  of  Long’s  expedition?  2.  How  large 
was  his  force?  3.  Why  did  he  think  that  Lafitte  might  help 
him?  4.  Write  a short  sketch  of  the  failure  of  the  expedition. 


A BATTLE  WITH  CANNIBALS 


91 


23.  A Battle  With  Cannibals 

By  James  Long  (1819) 

This  account  of  a battle  with  the  Carankawa  Indians  is  taken 
from  a letter  which  General  Long  wrote  in  August,  1819,  to  a 
friend  in  New  Orleans.1 

On  the  30th  of  August  I surprised  and  gave  battle 
to  the  Caran'kawa  Indians.  They  are  a race  of  can- 
nibals who  have  within  a few  years  murdered  and 
eaten  more  than  two  hundred  Americans.  We  had 
every  advantage  in  point  of  attack,  as  they  felt  in  per- 
fect security  until  we  were  within  forty  yards,  charg- 
ing on  them. 

They  were  fully  four  to  one,  and  the  battle  lasted 
fifteen  minutes.  Their  loss  was  terrible;  ours  one 
killed  and  nine  severely  wounded.  Two  have  since 
died,  the  others  are  still  dangerous.  A few  women 
and  children  were  unavoidably  killed  in  the  action. 
These  Indians  fight  with  bows  and  arrows,  spears  and 
tomahawks. 

I am  building  a strong  fort  on  a beautiful  peninsula, 
between  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  Trinity  Bay. 


A surprise 
for  the 
Indians. 


A bloody 
fight. 


Preparing 
to  occupy 
Texas. 


^rom  Niles’  Register,  XVII,  31. 


92 


THE  FILIBUSTERS 


24.  How  General  Long  Won  His  Bride 

By  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar  (1815) 

After  Stephen  F.  Austin  began  the  settlement  of  Texas  Mrs. 
Long  came  to  the  colony.  During  the  period  of  the  revolution 
she  lived  at  Brazoria,  and  it  was  through  conversations  with  her 
that  General  Lamar  heard  this  story.1 


A young 
belle. 


The  hand- 
somest man 
in  the 
world. 


In  the  spring  of  1815,  there  dwelt  near  the  city  of 
Natchez,  a young  belle  of  great  loveliness,  whose  wit 
and  beauty  were  increased  by  the  refinement  of  her 
manners  and  the  purity  of  her  sentiments.  Attract- 
ing the  attention  of  all,  she  was  wooed  unwon  by  suit- 
ors of  the  highest  renown.  She  was  now  arrived  at  the 
age  when  the  laws  of  Mississippi  require  an  orphan 
child  to  choose  a guardian.  Accident  led  to  the  choice 
which  she  made.  Whether  it  was  a prudent  and  judi- 
cious one,  the  reader  must  determine  when  he  hears 
the  sequel. 

Tying  a sunbonnet  of  green  silk  under  her  fair 
round  chin,  and  slinging  her  satchel  on  her  arm,  she 
was  about  to  obey  the  summons  of  the  academy  bell, 
when  she  was  suddenly  stopped  by  a little  negro  girl, 
who  announced  that  a stranger  had  just  gone  into  the 
sick  man’s  room.  “And  what  is  that  to  me?”  said 
the  youthful  beauty.  “Do  his  friends  not  call  upon 
him  every  day?”  “But  this  is  the  handsomest  man  in 
the  world,”  replied  the  servant,  “and  I want  you  to  see 
him  before  you  go  to  school.” 


^rom  Foote,  Texas  and  the  Texans , 1,  198-201. 


GENERAL  LONG'S  BRIDE 


93 


Now,  the  handsomest  man  in  the  world  was  cer-  The  meet- 
tainly  a sight  worth  seeing.  Accordingly,  she  doffed  mg' 
her  bonnet  and  threw  aside  her  books,  with  a determin- 
ation to  take  a peep  at  this  fair  Adonis.  Whether  she 
stole  a glance  at  the  mirror  to  adjust  her  shining  ring- 
lets, is  a matter  of  which  fame  reported  not;  but  it  is 
said  that  she  never  looked  more  lovely  in  her  life  than 
when  the  visitor  entered  the  parlor.  His  personal  ap- 
pearance came  up  fully  to  her  expectations;  and  al- 
though he  was  not  the  handsomest  man  in  the  world, 
he  nevertheless  possessed  a very  commanding  figure — 
tall,  active  and  erect,  with  a fiery  eye  and  a martial 
tread,  the  very  hero  for  a tale  of  love  and  war.  His 
name  and  the  purpose  of  his  visit  were  mysteries  soon 
explained.  He  was  a surgeon  in  the  army,  and  had 
come  to  prescribe  for  one  of  his  companions  in  arms. 

In  a few  minutes  the  happy  couple,  mutually  pleased,  °f 

found  themselves  seated  by  the  window,  contending 
with  each  other  in  a game  of  draughts.  The  lady  of 
course  was  victor,  and  won  of  her  antagonist  a pair 
of  gloves.  The  payment  of  this  debt  formed  a fair 
pretext  for  our  hero  to  renew  his  visit  on  the  succeed- 
ing day.  “I  come,”  said  he,  “to  settle  accounts,  for 
debts  of  honor  must  be  punctually  paid.”  The  lady, 
however,  declined  receiving  the  gloves  on  the  ground 
that  she  played  for  amusement  only.  “Then,”  said 
the  gentleman,  “if  you  will  not  take  them  as  your  due, 
you  must  accept  them  as  a present.”  To  this  the  lady 
could  not  politely  demur,  and  as  she  put  forth  her 


94 


THE  FILIBUSTERS 


The  course 
of  true  love. 


Choosing  a 
guardian. 


Who  the 

parties 

were. 


snowy  fingers  to  receive  the  gloves,  the  happy  donor, 
in  a tone  between  jocularity  and  earnest,  expressed  a 
wish  that  the  hand  that  gave  might  go  with  the  gift. 

This  was  enough.  The  lady  understood  the  hint, 
and  was  pleased  to  see  how  the  wind  was  blowing. 
In  a short  time  they  were  open  and  avowed  lovers. 
But  it  is  known  that  the  course  of  true  love  never  did 
run  smooth.  The  friends  of  the  lady  objected  to  the 
union  on  the  very  good  grounds  of  the  youth  and  in- 
experience of  the  parties,  and  for  a good  while  the  op- 
position seemed  in  a fair  way  to  defeat  the  wishes  of 
the  sighing  couple.  Chance  and  courage,  however, 
decided  the  matter. 

We  have  already  told  that  our  young  heroine  would 
shortly  have  to  choose  her  guardian.  The  time  for 
making  this  selection  was  now  arrived;  and  being 
called  upon  to  name  her  choice,  she  turned  and  pointed 
to  her  lover.  Her  friends  remonstrated ; she  was  ob- 
stinate. They  scolded;  she  persisted.  At  length, 
when  it  became  obvious  that  she  really  intended  what 
she  said,  all  further  hostility  ceased,  and  it  was  not 
many  days  before  the  delighted  lover  was  hailed  in 
the  family  in  the  double  capacity  of  guardian  and  hus- 
band. 

They  were  married  on  the  fourteenth  of  May,  eigh- 
teen hundred  and  fifteen,  the  bride  being  in  her  four- 
teenth year,  and  the  bridegroom  in  his  twentieth.  And 
ask  ye  who  were  the  parties?  The  lady’s  maiden 
name  was  Jane  H.  Wilkinson,  the  niece  of  General 


MRS.  LONG'S  ADVENTURES 


95 


Wilkinson.1  She  was  born  in  Charles  County,  Mary- 
land, and  losing  her  father  at  an  early  age,  removed 
with  her  mother  to  the  State  of  Mississippi  in  eighteen 
hundred  and  eleven.  The  hero  of  the  story  is  no 
other  than  the  chivalrous  General  Long. 

1.  What  was  Mrs.  Long’s  name  before  her  marriage?  2. 
Where  did  General  Long  first  meet  her?  3.  How  did  she  defeat 
the  opponents  of  her  marriage? 


25.  Mrs.  Long’s  Adventures  in  Texas2 

By  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar  (1819) 

The  history  of  Mrs.  Long  is  so  intimately  connected  ^tt^ave 
with  that  of  her  husband,  and  is  of  itself  so  full  of  woman, 
interest,  that  it  can  not  be  omit- 
ted. A few  days  after  his  de- 
parture she  resolved  to  follow 
her  husband  and  share  his  des- 
tiny, in  spite  of  her  feeble'  con- 
dition and  the  entreaties  of  her 
friends.  He  was  in  a foreign 
country;  in  the  midst  of  peril, 
with  no  home  but  the  camp  and 
no  safety  but  his  sword.  To  at- 
tempt such  a journey,  through 

a wilderness  of  savages  in  a distant  land,  with  her  two 

1General  James  Wilkinson  was  a prominent  officer  in  the  United 
States  army  who  was  long  stationed  in  the  district  adjacent  to 
Texas. 

2From  Foote,  Texas  and  the  Texans , I,  206-216,  passim.  See 
introductory  note,  p.  92. 


96 


THE  FILIBUSTERS 


A friend 
in  need. 


A hard 
journey. 


little  children  and  no  human  assistance  except  a small 
negro  girl,  displays  a resolution  and  fortitude  which 
nothing  but  the  tenderest  feelings  of  the  human  heart 
could  inspire. 

She  started  on  the  28th  of  June.  Mr.  James  Rowan, 
the  friend  of  her  husband  and  a wealthy  merchant  of 
the  place,  hearing  that  she  was  about  to  embark,  came 
to  the  river  bank  to  see  her  off  and  bid  her  farewell. 
He  found  her  in  tears.  And  well  might  she  weep. 
She  was  not  only  leaving  the  home  of  her  happier 
days,  but  she  was  going,  she  knew  not  where,  on  a 
long  journey  in  a strange  land,  with  ruined  health, 
almost  destitute  of  means,  and  without  a friendly 
hand  to  aid  her  on  her  way.  These  things  pressed 
upon  the  heart,  but  the  burden  was  quickly  lightened 
by  the  generous  Rowan.  Unprepared  as  he  was  for 
such  a trip,  he  nevertheless  stepped  into  the  boat,  and 
offered  to  see  her  on  her  journey  as  far  as  her  sister 
Calvert’s,  in  Alexandria.  In  a few  minutes  they  were 
gliding  down  the  river. 

The  journey  to  Alexandria  was  protracted  and  dis- 
tressing. The  weather  was  bad,  accommodations 
worse;  and  the  boat  finally  stopping  on  the  route,  a 
messenger  had  to  be  dispatched  to  Alexandria  for 
means  of  conveyance.  After  much  delay,  a courier 
made  his  appearance  with  a couple  of  horses.  Mrs. 
Long  and  her  servant  girl  mounted  one  of  the  animals, 
and  Mr.  Rowan  the  other,  with  the  little  daughter 


MRS.  LONG’S  ADVENTURES 


97 


Ann  behind  him  and  the  infant  in  his  arms.  They 
completed  the  balance  of  the  route,  exhausted  with 
fatigue  and  drenched  with  rain. 

For  more  than  four  weeks  Mrs.  Long  remained  at 
her  sister’s  dangerously  ill.  The  physicians  advised 
her  to  prosecute  her  journey  without  delay,  which  she 
could  do,  they  said,  by  making  short  stages  and  avoid- 
ing exposure.  She  accordingly  set  out  in  a close  car- 
riage, leaving  her  infant  to  the  care  of  Mrs.  Calvert. 
Tarrying  a few  days  at  Natchitoches,  she  proceeded  to 
the  Sabine,  where  she  expected  to  be  met  by  her  hus- 
band. He  had  been  there  the  day  previous  according 
to  appointment,  but  could  not  wait  her  arrival.  At 
Mr.  Gaines’s  she  remained  a couple  of  days  to  regain 
her  strength,  and  then  resumed  her  journey.  She 
reached  Nacogdoches  and  experienced  in  the  warm 
welcome  of  her  husband  an  ample  compensation  for 
all  her  toils  and  sufferings  past. 

She  arrived  upon  the  very  eve  of  calamity.  A few 
weeks  only,  of  perpetual  excitement  and  alarm,  were 
spent  with  her  husband,  prior  to  his  leaving  for  Gal- 
veston. He  had  scarcely  turned  his  back,  however, 
when  he  received  tidings  of  the  enemy’s  approach. 
Writing  his  wife  to  retire  to  a Mr.  Brown’s  as  a place 
of  safety,  he  hastened  to  Galveston  Island.  Not  re- 
ceiving the  desired  and  expected  assistance  from  that 
quarter,  he  returned  without  delay.  On  the  way  he 
met  his  wife  flying  from  Nacogdoches.  She  told  him 


The  end  of 
the  trip. 


The  advance 
of  the 
enemy. 


98 


THE  FILIBUSTERS 


pursuit. 


tidings. 


that  it  was  useless  to  proceed ; that  all  was  lost.  This 
only  made  him  the  more  restless.  Leaving  his  lady  in 
Mr.  Brown’s  family,  he  put  the  rowels  to  his  horse, 
and,  after  riding  all  night,  reached  Nacogdoches. 

The  town  was  now  entirely  deserted,  with  no 
human  being  in  it  except  himself.  On  arriving  again 
at  Mr.  Brown’s,  where  he  had  left  his  lady  and  still 
expected  to  join  her,  he  found  the  family  had  fled. 
The  whole  population  were  rushing  like  a terrified 
herd  of  buffalo  to  the  Sabine.  The  enemy,  who  had 
entered  Nacogdoches  in  an  hour  after  Long  left  it, 
were  rushing  in  pursuit  of  the  flying  people.  For- 
tunately for  Mrs.  Long  she  had  followed  the  upper 
road.  Her  husband  took  the  same,  and  after  travel- 
ing all  night  reached  the  river  as  the  sun  was  rising. 
The  day  was  spent  in  crossing  the  stream. 

That  night  Mrs.  Long  received  information  of  the 
death  of  her  infant.  Taking  an  affectionate  leave  of 
her  husband  at  Natchitoches,  she  proceeded  to  her  sis- 
ter Calvert’s,  where  she  arrived  some  time  in  the  early 
part  of  November,  a little  upwards  of  four  months 
from  the  date  of  her  departure  from  Natchez. 

1.  Describe  the  hardships  of  Mrs.  Long’s  journey  to  Texas. 
2.  Write  a brief  account  of  her  experience  in  Texas.  3.  Com- 
pare this  piece  with  No.  22.  What  new  facts  does  this  one  tell 
about  General  Long’s  disasters?  From  the  two  make  a connected 
story  of  Long’s  experiences  in  Texas. 


PART  III 

ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


26.  Come  Out  to  the  West 

Come  forth  from  your  cities, 

Come  out  to  the  West; 

Ye  have  hearts,  ye  have  hands, 
Leave  to  nature  the  rest: 

The  prairie,  the  forest, 

The  stream  at  command — 

“The  world  is  too  crowded?” 
Pshaw ! come  and  take  land. 

Come,  travel  the  mountain 
And  paddle  the  stream; 

The  cabin  shall  smile  and 
The  corn  patch  shall  gleam: 

“A  wife  and  six  children!” — 

’Tis  wealth  in  your  hand; 

Your  axe  and  your  rifle — 

Out  West  and  take  land. 


Stephen  F.  Austin 


DIFFICULTIES  OF  AN  EMPBESARIO  101 


27.  Difficulties  of  an  Empresario1 

By  Stephen  F.  Austin  (1823) 

The  following  extract  is  from  a letter  written  by  Austin  in 
1823  to  an  official  of  the  government  of  Mexico.2 

Most  Excellent  Sir:  In  the  month  of  Decem- 

ber, 1821,  I removed  the  first  families  and  commenced 
the  settlement,  and  then  hastened  to  Bexar  to  receive 
the  further  instructions  of  the  government.  On  my 
arrival  at  that  place,  I was  advised  by  the  governor 
and  my  other  friends  to  proceed  direct  to  Mexico,  and 
receive  authority  to  make  titles  to  the  settlers  for 
their  lands.  I accordingly  departed  for  Mexico,  and 
arrived  in  that  city  in  April,  1822. 

On  my  arrival  in  [i.  e.,  return  to]  the  colony,  which 
I had  commenced  nearly  two  years  before,  I found 
that  most  of  the  colonists,  discouraged  by  my  long 
absence  and  the  uncertainty  in  which  they  had  been 
for  such  a length  of  time,  had  returned  to  the  United 
States,  and  that  the  few  who  remained,  hard  pressed 
and  harassed  on  every  side  by  hostile  Indians,  and 
threatened  with  the  horrors  of  famine,  in  consequence 
of  the  drought,  were  on  the  eve  of  breaking  up  and 
leaving  the  province.  Encouraged,  however,  by  my  re- 

*A  man  who  brought  colonists  to  Texas  was  called  an  empre- 
sario. Stephen  F.  Austin  was  the  most  successful  one. 

2From  a clipping  from  the  Galveston  News  in  the  Austin  Pa- 
pers at  the  University  of  Texas. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  67-68;  Garrison,  149-152. 


Austin  goes 
to  Mexico. 


Colonists 

return 

home. 


102  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


Unfavor- 
able reports 
of  Texas. 


Attacked  by 
enemies, 
robbed  by 
friends,  an- 
noyed by 
vagabonds. 


turn,  we  persevered  through  the  complicated  and  ap- 
palling difficulties  which  surrounded  us,  until  the  new 
crops  yielded  us  bread. 

Since  my  arrival  I have  been  most  industriously 
laboring  (in  conjunction  with  the  Baron  de  Bastrop) 

in  completing 
the  affairs  of 
the  colony, 
and  I hope  to 
make  a finish 
of  them  in  a 
few  months 
more,  though, 
owing  to  the 
many  unfav- 
orable reports 
propagated  by 
those  who  re- 
turned, and  my  delay  in  Mexico,  many  of  the  families 
who  at  first  intended  to  come  have  not  done  so.  This 
has  produced  some  delay  in  completing  the  three 
hundred  families  which  I am  permitted  to  settle  in 
this  colony. 

The  situation  I am  placed  in  (near  the  frontiers  of 
two  nations,  surrounded  on  every  side  by  hostile 
Indians,  and  exposed  to  their  attacks,  and  to  the  no 
less  vexatious  pilferings  and  robbings  of  those  tribes 
who  profess  friendship,  but  steal  whenever  an  occa- 


Austin’s  Weapons 


DIFFICULTIES  OF  AN  EMPRESARIO  103 


sion  presents)  renders  my  task  peculiarly  laborious 
and  difficult,  and  requires  a most  severe  and  efficient 
police  to  keep  out  and  punish  fugitives  and  vagabonds 
from  both  nations.  I have  experienced  some  diffi- 
culty on  this  subject,  owing  to  the  want  of  a more  full 
and  ample  authority  relative  to  the  punishment  of 
crimes.  The  most  excellent  deputation  of  Monterey 
ordered  me  by  their  decree  to  condemn  criminals  to 
hard  labor  on  public  works,  until  the  superior  govern- 
ment should  decide  their  case,  and  to  punish  them  in 
no  other  way.  But  a difficulty  arises  in  executing 
this  order.  We  are  forty  to  fifty  leagues  from  Bexar 
and  have  no  jail,  no  troops  to  guard  prisoners;  and 
a condemnation  to  hard  labor,  without  an  adequate 
guard  to  enforce  the  decree,  is  only  to  exasperate  a 
criminal,  make  him  laugh  at  the  laws  and  the  civil 
authorities,  and  turn  him  loose  on  society  to  commit 
new  depredations.  I have,  therefore,  in  some  cases 
been  driven  to  the  painful  alternative  of  either  per- 
mitting a criminal  to  escape  unpunished,  or  of  taking 
upon  myself  the  responsibility  of  inflicting  corporal 
punishment. 

If  these  difficulties  could  be  remedied  by  vesting 
authority  in  some  tribunal  here  to  punish  crimes  by 
corporal  punishment,  and — in  case  of  foreigners — ban- 
ishment from  the  province,  I think  it  would  greatly 
tend  to  the  good  order  of  this  part  of  the  province. 

I have  made  it  a rule  not  to  admit  any  settler  who 


Corporal 
punish- 
ment ne- 
cessary. 


104  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


All  good 
colonists. 


does  not  produce  the  most  unequivocal  evidence  of 
good  moral  character  and  industrious  habits,  and  I 
will  vouch  for  those  received  by  me,  that  they  will  not 
form  undutiful  nor  ungrateful  citizens  and  subjects 
of  the  nation  that  has  so.  kindly  received  them. 

I hope  Your  Excellency  will  pardon  me  for 
troubling  you  with  so  long  a letter,  but  as  I before  ob- 
served, the  future  fate  of  myself  and  followers  must 
depend  upon  the  good  opinion  and  protection  wjiich 
the  government  of  our  adoption  may  be  pleased  to 
extend  to  us. 


1.  What  was  the  object  of  Austin’s  visit  to  Mexico?  2.  What 
changes  took  place  in  the  colony  during  his  absence?  3.  Who  as- 
sisted Austin  in  founding  the  colony?  4.  In  what  ways  did  the 
Indians  annoy  the  settlers  ? 5.  What  difficulties  did  Austin  meet 

in  executing  the  laws  ? 6.  What  precautions  did  he  take  to 

secure  good  colonists? 


Horse 

stealing. 


28.  Punishing  Indian  Horse  Thieves 

By  J.  H.  Kuykendall  (1823) 

Mr.  Kuykendall  wrote  this1  in  1856.  His  father  was  one  of 
the  earliest  settlers  of  Texas. 

Towards  the  latter  part  of  this  summer  [1823]  a 
party  of  Tonka  was  stole  a horse  from  father  and  sev- 
eral from  Mr.  Wheat.  Father,  Thomas  Boatright, 
my  brother  Barzillai,  and  myself  pursued  the  thieves. 

'From  the  Quarterly  of  the  Texas  State  Historical  Association, 
VII,  31-32. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  81;  Garrison,  149-152. 


PUNISHING  INDIAN  HORSE  THIEVES  105 


For  a few  miles  the  trail  went  northward;  it  then 
turned  southward  or  down  the  country.  Suspecting 
the  Tonkawas,  and  learning  that  a portion  of  the  tribe 
under  the  chief  Cari'ta  were  somewhere  near  “the 
Fort”  (Fort  Bend)  on  the  Brazos,  we  resolved  to 
proceed  to  that  point.  When  we  arrived  at  the  fort 
we  learned  that  the  Tonkawas  were  encamped  on  Big 
Creek  six  or  eight  miles  below  that  place. 

We  immediately  returned  to  the  infant  town  of  San 
Felipe — then  containing  but  two  or  three  log  cabins — 
and  reported  our  suspicions  of  the  Tonkawas.  Austin 
raised  a few  men  and  went  with  us  to  the  fort,  where 
we  were  joined  by  a few  more  men,  making  our  force 
thirty  strong.  Austin  dispatched  two  men  to  look 
for  the  Tonkawas,  but  before  they  returned  Carita 
came  to  us  and  acknowledged  that  five  of  his  young 
men  had  stolen  our  horses.  He  said  the  horses  should 
be  restored  and  the  thieves  punished.  We  immedi- 
ately proceeded  to  the  camp  of  the  Indians,  where  all 
the  horses  were  promptly  restored,  save  one,  which 
Carita  promised  to  deliver  next  day. 

He  pointed  out  the  five  men  who  had  committed 
the  theft.  Each  of  them  was  sentenced  to  receive 
fifty  lashes  and  have  one-half  of  his  head  shaved. 
Carita  inflicted  one-half  of  the  stripes  and  my  father 
the  other  half.  The  lash  was  very  lightly  laid  on 
by  Carita,  who  frequently  paused  to  ask  Austin 
“cuantos?”  [Spanish  for  how  many].  Before  he  had 


Pursuing 
the  thiev< 


The  pun- 
ishment. 


106  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


How  the 
sick  man 
saved  his 
hair. 


inflicted  his  half  of  the  stripes  the  culprits  pretended 
to  swoon;  but  as  soon  as  father  began  to  apply  the 

lash  they  were  roused  to 
the  most  energetic  action. 

The  sentence  was  fully 
executed  on  four  of  the 
thieves.  The  remaining 
one,  being  sick,  was  ex- 
cused from  the  whipping, 
but  was  to  have  his  head 
polled  after  his  brother 
offenders  were  disposed 
of;  but  while  the  castiga- 
tion was  proceeding,  the 
sick  man  managed  to  save 
his  locks  by  running  off 
and  concealing  himself  in  a thicket.  We  returned  to 
the  fort,  and  next  day  Carita  delivered  us  the  missing 
horse. 


1.  What  tribe  of  Indians  troubled  the  settlers?  2.  Describe 
the  way  the  party  was  organized  to  pursue  the  thieves.  3. 
What  punishment  was  given  the  culprits?  4.  How  was  it  ad- 
ministered ? 


HOW  A COLONIST  CAME  TO  TEXAS  107 


29.  How  a Colonist  Came  to  Texas 

By  Noah  Smithwick  (1827) 

This  selection1  describes  some  of  the  inconveniences  and  hard- 
ships of  travel  experienced  by  the  pioneers  of  Texas  in  coming 
here. 

Part  One 

What  the  discovery  of  gold  was  to  California  the 
colonization  act  of  1825  was  to  Texas.  In  the  fol- 
lowing year  Sterling  C.  Robertson,  who  had  obtained 
a grant  for  a colony,  for  each  100  families  of  which 
he  was  to  receive  a bonus  of  23,025  acres  of  land, 
went  up  into  Kentucky  recruiting.  The  glowing  terms 
in  which  he  talked  of  the  advantages  to  be  gained  by 
emigration  were  well  calculated  to  further  his  scheme. 

To  every  head  of  a family,  if  a farmer,  was  promised  Induce- 
1 77  acres  of  farming  land  and  4,428  acres  of  pasture  colonists, 
land  for  stock;  colonists  to  be  exempt  from  taxation 
six  years  from  date  of  settlement,  with  the  privilege 
of  importing,  duty  free,  everything  they  might  desire 
for  themselves  and  families;  an  abundance  of  game, 
wild  horses,  cattle,  turkeys,  buffalo,  deer  and  antelope 
by  the  drove.  The  woods  abounded  in  bee  trees,  wild 
grapes,  plums,  cherries,  persimmons,  haws  and  dew- 
berries, while  walnuts,  hickory  nuts  and  pecans  were 

1 From  Smithwick,  Tine  Evolution  of  a State,  10-14. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  77-79;  Garrison,  141-145. 


108  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


Hardships 
and  dangers. 


Starting 
for  Texas. 


abundant  along  the  water  courses.  The  climate  was 
so  mild  that  houses  were  not  essential ; neither  was  an 
abundance  of  clothing  or  bedding — buffalo  robes  and 
bear  skins  supplying  all  that  was  needed  for  the  latter 
and  buckskin  the  former.  Corn  in  any  quantity  was 
to  be  had  for  the  planting,  and,  in  short,  there  the 
primitive  curse  was  set  at  defiance.  Mexican  sol- 
diers were  stationed  on  the  frontier  to  keep  the  In- 
dians in  check. 

Of  the  hardships  and  privations,  the  ever  increasing 
danger  from  the  growing  dissatisfaction  of  the  In- 
dians, upon  whose  hunting  grounds  the  whites  were 
steadily  encroaching,  and  the  almost  certainty  of  an 
ultimate  war  with  Mexico,  he  was  discreetly  silent. 
Viewed  from  that  distance,  the  prospect  was  certainly 
flattering,  and  it  should  not  occasion  surprise  that 
men  with  large  families  were  induced  to  migrate 
thither  with  the  hope  of  securing  homes  for  them- 
selves and  children. 

I was  but  a boy  in  my  nineteenth  year,  and  in  for 
adventure.  My  older  brothers  talked  of  going.  They 
abandoned  the  project  ; but  it  had  taken  complete  pos- 
session of  me.  So,  early  in  the  following  year,  1827, 
I started  out  from  Hopkinsville,  Kentucky,  with  all 
my  worldly  possessions,  which  consisted  of  a few  dol- 
lars in  money,  a change  of  clothes,  and  a gun,  of 
course,  to  seek  my  fortune  in  this  lazy  man’s  para- 
dise. 


HOW  A COLONIST  CAME  TO  TEXAS  109 


Part  Two 

Incredible  as  it  may  seem  to  the  present  generation,  Means  of 
seeing  the  country  traversed  from  ocean  to  ocean,  and 
from  lakes  to  gulf  with  innumerable  lines  of  railroad, 
there  was  not  then  a mile  of  railroad  in  operation  in  the 
United  States;  and  though  twenty  years  had  elapsed 
since  the  Clermont  made  her  triumphal  trip  from 
New  York  to  Albany,  few  steamboats  plied  the  west- 
ern waters  and  none  had  ventured  out  to  sea.  The 
stagecoach,  the  only  public  overland  conveyance, 


Emigrants 

took  me  down  to  the  mouth  of  the  river,  where  I 
intended  to  take  steamer  for  New  Orleans ; but  the 
steamboat  had  not  arrived  and  no  one  knew  when  it 
would.  My  impatience  could  not  brook  delay,  so  I 
took  passage  on  a flatboat,  or  as  they  were  known  in 


110  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


A “Missis- 
sippi broad - 
horn.” 


The  dangers 
on  the  way. 


A lonesome 
trip. 


river  parlance,  a “Mississippi  broadhorn,”  the  poor 
man’s  transfer. 

Out  on  the  broad  bosom  of  the  Father  of  Waters 
these  boats  floated  from  the  Ohio,  the  Cumberland,  the 
Tennessee,  laden  with  the  products  of  the  vast  region 
adjoining,  to  be  floated  down  to  New  Orleans  and 
thence  distributed  around  the  seaboard  by  sailing  ves- 
sels. The  flatboat,  after  serving  its  purpose,  was 
broken  up  and  sold  for  lumber  and  fuel,  while  the 
owner  pocketed  his  cash  and  wended  his  way  home, 
generally  on  foot  up  through  Mississippi,  where  he 
was  liable  to  be  interviewed  by  footpads  and  relieved 
of  his  money  if  not  of  his  life.  Many  were  the  hor- 
rible stories  of  robbery  and  murder  thus  committed 
by  old  John  A.  Murril  and  his  band  of  freebooters. 

My  transport  was  loaded  with  ice,  artificial  ice  be- 
ing a thing  then  unheard  of.  The  crew  consisted  of 
three  men,  whose  principal  duty  was  to  look  out  for 
“sawyers,”  sunken  trees,  and  to  keep  clear  of  eddies, 
for  a boat  once  drawn  into  the  swirl  would  go  float- 
ing around,  in  danger  of  colliding  with  the  drift  and 
being  sunk.  As  flatboats  never  returned  and  seldom 
passed  each  other,  the  slow,  leisurely  drifting,  day 
after  day,  became  intolerably  monotonous.  So  I 
stopped  off  at  Natchez  and  waited  for  a steamboat. 
Very  poetical  it  was,  no  doubt,  this  dropping  down 
with  the  rippling  stream,  but  I had  not  started  out  in 
search  of  the  poetical. 


HOW  A COLONIST  CAME  TO  TEXAS  111 


By  the  time  I reached  New  Orleans  my  money  was 
running  low  and  mechanics  were  getting  big  wages, 
so  I went  to  work  in  the  old  Leeds  foundry. 

When  the  sickly  season  came  on  and  the  men  began 
to  leave,  I again  took  up  the  line  of  march  for  Texas, 
this  time  on  board  a coasting  schooner,  laden  with 
supplies  for  the  Mexican  army.  A steam  tug  towed 
us  out  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  as  far  as  steam- 
ers ventured.  The  weather  was  lovely  as  a dream  of 
Venice,  and  we  sped  away  on  the  wings  of  the  trade 
winds.  We  passed  Galveston  Island  in  plain  view. 
There  was  no  sign  of  human  habitation  on  it ; nothing 
to  give  promise  of  the  thriving  city  which  now  covers 
it.  It  was  only  noted  then  as  having  been  the  head- 
quarters of  Lafitte  1 and  his  pirates,  and  as  such  was 
pointed  out  to  me.  The  trip  was  a delightful  one, 
and  I was  in  fine  spirits.  On  the  third  day  we 
threaded  the  Paso  Caballo  [Ca-bal'-yo]  and  ran  into 
Matagorda  Bay,  having  made  the  run  in  a little  over 
forty-eight  hours,  a remarkable  record  in  those  days. 

We  cast  anchor  in  the  mouth  of  the  Lavaca  River, 
where  we  had  calculated  to  find  the  Mexican  troops; 
but  there  were  no  troops,  no  agent,  no  one  authorized 
to  receive  the  goods.  There  was  not  an  American 
there.  The  colonization  law  exempted  from  settle- 
ment all  land  within  twenty-five  miles  of  the  coast, 
so  the  territory  was  given  over  to  the  Karankawa 


On  a 

coasting 

schooner. 


Galveston 

Island. 


A stranger 
in  a strange 
land. 


1 See  the  story  of  this  famous  pirate,  p.  81. 


112  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


New 

friends. 


A colony 
from  New 
York. 


Indians,  a fierce  tribe,  whose  hand  was  against  every 
man.  A few  Mexicans  came  around,  but  they  spoke 
no  English  and  I understood  no  Spanish. 

At  length  two  men,  Fulcher  and  McHenry,  who 
had  squatted  on  land  six  or  eight  miles  up  the  river, 
sighted  the  schooner  and  came  down  in  a dugout. 
They  took  me  in  with  them  and  I spent  my  first  night 
in  Texas  in  their  cabin.  My  first  meal  on  Texas  soil 
was  dried  venison  sopped  in  honey.  Next  morning 
I set  out  on  foot  for  De  Witt’s  colony,  ten  miles  fur- 
ther up  on  the  Lavaca. 


1.  Name  the  different  inducements  that  led  Mr.  Smith  wick  to 
come  to  Texas.  2.  Describe  the  seven  different  means  of  travel 
that  he  employed  in  his  journey.  3.  To  what  country  did  Texas 
belong  in  1827  ? 4.  Where  was  De  Witt’s  colony  located  ? 


30.  The  First  Sunday  School  in  Texas 

By  T.  J.  Pilgrim  (1829) 

This  selection1  shows  the  condition  of  schools  as  well  as  of 
Sunday  schools  in  the  pioneer  settlements. 

In  the  fall  of  1828,  I started  from  the  western  part 
of  the  State  of  New  York  for  Texas.  I was  in  com- 
pany with  sixty  others,  men,  women,  and  children, 
under  the  leadership  of  Elias  R.  Wightman.  He  had 
resided  about  three  years  in  the  country,  and  his  in- 
telligence, energy,  and  enterprise  well  fitted  him  to  be 
the  leader  of  a colony. 

1From  Baker,  A Texas  Scrap  Book,  69-76. 


THE  FIRST  SUNDAY  SCHOOL 


113 


I soon  engaged  in  teaching,  and  succeeded  in  a 
short  time  in  raising  a school  of  about  forty  scholars, 
mostly  boys.  I felt  the  necessity  of  moral  and  re- 
ligious as  well  as  intellectual  culture,  and  resolved  to 
make  an  effort  to  found  a Sunday  school.  Notice 
was  given  through  the  school  that  on  the  following 
Sunday  an  address  would  be  delivered  on  the  subject. 
I was  gratified  to  see  at  the  time  appointed  a large 
and  respectful  audience  assembled. 

An  address  was  delivered.  They  seemed  to  feel 
interested,  and  on  the  following  Sunday  a school  was 
organized  of  thirty-two  scholars.  There  were  not 
lacking  intelligent  gentlemen  and  ladies  to  act  as 
teachers,  but  of  the  other  appurtenances  of  a well  reg- 
ulated Sunday  school  we  had  none.  This  lack  was 
supplied  as  best  it  could  be  by  contributions  from  the 
citizens  of  such  books  as  they  had,  and  by  the  oral 
instructions  of  superintendent  and  teachers. 

The  next  Sunday  found  the  school  under  way,  and 
giving  promise  of  great  success.  A lecture  was  de- 
livered each  Sunday  morning,  intended  for  both  old 
and  young,  and  to  hear  these  lectures  people  came 
from  the  distance  of  ten  miles. 

Now  let  us  for  a moment  contemplate  this  little 

Sunday  school.  In  a blackjack  and  post  oak  grove 

near  the  center  of  the  town  is  a rude  log  cabin  about 

eighteen  by  twenty-two  feet,  the  roof  covered  with 

boards  held  down  by  weight  poles,  the  logs  unhewn, 
8 


Plans  for 
a Sunday 
school. 


The  first 
meeting. 


Coming  ten 
miles  to 
Sunday 
school. 


How  the 

school 

looked. 


114  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


The  first 
settlers  of 
Texas. 


and  the  cracks  neither  chinked  nor  battened,  and  a 
dirt  floor.  Across  it  are  placed  several  logs  hewn  on 
one  side  for  seats.  At  one  end  stands  the  superin- 
tendent, a mere  stripling.  Before  him  are  about  half 
a dozen  gentlemen  and  ladies  as  teachers,  and  thirty- 
two  children,  without  any  of  those  appendages  which 


A Pioneer  Sunday  School 


are  now  considered  necessary  to  a well  conducted 
Sunday  school. 

I would  here  correct  an  erroneous  impression  in 
relation  to  the  character  of  the  early  settlers  of  Texas. 
A kinder  and  more  hospitable  people  perhaps  never 
lived.  Their  houses  were  welcome  homes  to  each 
other;  and  never  was  the  stranger  rudely  repulsed  or 
sent  empty  away. 

New  Englanders  have  always’  been  proud  of  their 


A DISAPPOINTED  SPECULATOR  115 

Christian  ancestors  who  bequeathed  to  them  so  rich 
an  inheritance.  Well  may  the  present  generation  of 
Texans  look  back  with  gratitude  and  pride  to  those 
noble  souled  heroes  who  by  their  toils,  energy,  self- 
sacrifice,  and  daring,  won  and  bequeathed  to  them  the 
fairest  land  on  which  the  sun  ever  shone. 

1.  How  was  the  first  Sunday  school  started  in  Texas?  2. 
Describe  the  building  and  its  furniture.  3.  Compare  it  with  the 
Sunday  school  that  you  attend.  4.  What  do  we  owe  to  the 
early  settlers  of  Texas?  5.  Did  all  of  the  colonists  come  from 
the  southern  States?  6 Study  the  picture  carefully  and^  tell 
what  you  see. 


31.  A Disappointed  Land  Speculator1 

Writer  Unknown  (1831) 

Early  in  the  month  of  March,  1831,  I reached  New  Bound 

GXRS* 

Orleans  on  my  way  from  the  northern  States  to  Texas. 

My  principal  object  was  to  examine  the  condition  of 
the  large  tract  of  land  I had  purchased  of  the  Galves- 
ton Bay  and  Texas  Land  Company.  There  was  a 
vessel  at  that  time  preparing  to  sail  for  Brazoria,  a 
place  on  the  river  Brazos;  and  I took  passage  on 
board.  After  stipulating  for  the  price  of  twenty  dol- 
lars and  providing  myself  with  a few  conveniences 
for  the  voyage,  I embarked  with  fifty-three  other  pas- 
sengers, of  different  descriptions  and  colors. 

Before  leaving  New  Orleans  I had  sought  in  vain 

1 From  A Visit  to  Texas  (New  York,  1834). 


116  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


Ignorance 

concerning 

it. 


Evading 
the  anti- 
slavery law. 


A dream 
of  wealth, 


for  any  satisfactory  information  concerning  the  coun- 
try to  which  I was  bound;  and  was  but  little  more 
fortunate  in  my  inquiries  among  the  passengers,  most 
of  whom  were  going  to  live  in  Texas.  Among  these 
were  an  old  Tennesseean  and  his  wife,  with  their  sons, 
two  young  men,  who  were  going  “to  hunt  land.” 

There  was  also  a man  from  Alabama,  who  had  some 
negroes  with  him,  going  to  take  up  his  abode  in  Texas ; 
but  he  had  nothing  to  communicate  concerning  the 
country,  except  some  very  favorable  general  accounts 
he  had  received  from  his  friends.  On  reaching  New 
Orleans  he  had  learned  for  the  first  time  that  slaves 
can  not  be  held  in  the  Mexican  territory,  and  had  taken 
measures  which  had  been  recommended  to  him  to 
evade  the  general  law  of  abolition.  He  had  obtained 
their  attested  signatures  to  articles  of  indenture/  by 
which  they  had  bound  themselves  to  him  for  ninety- 
nine  years.  He  counseled  another  man  who  was  on 
board  with  his  wife  and  several  slaves,  to  do  the  same, 
and  gave  them  such  instructions  as  were  necessary  to 
render  the  pretended  agreement  binding  on  the  ne- 
groes. 

The  scenes  around  me  afforded  certainly  a noble 
view,  even  for  a spectator  personally  uninterested  in 
the  soil;  but  to  the  proprietor  of  a vast  tract  of  land, 

*The  constitution  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  in  1827  forbade  the 
introduction  of  slaves  into  the  State,  but  in  1828  a law  declared 
that  labor  contracts  made  in  the  United  States  were  valid  in 
Texas,  so  immigrants  adopted  the  device  of  binding  their  slaves 
to  them  for  life  and  calling  them  servants  instead  of  slaves. 
See  page  145. 


A DISAPPOINTED  SPECULATOR 


117 


like  myself,  a finer  could  hardly  be  imagined.  I had 
doubtless  made  a judicious  purchase,  and  in  what  a 
country!  How  nobly  would  twenty  thousand  acres 
look,  wherever  I might  determine  to  locate  my  estate ! 
Twenty  thousand  acres!  Twenty  thousand  acres! 
What  an  estate!  How  many  cattle  and  human  in- 
habitants would  it  be  able  to  support? 

I had  some  agreeable  reflections  to  make  as  I passed 
up  the  Brazos.  I expected,  on  my  arrival  at  Brazoria, 
to  obtain  all  information  necessary  to  guide  me  to  some 
of  the  company’s  land,  to  apply  to  the  company’s  sur- 
veyor to  locate  me  twenty  thousand  acres  wherever  I 
should  direct  him,  and  to  secure  a clear  title  from  the 
company’s  agents.  I had  been  given  to  understand 
that  surveyors  and  agents  would  be  found  on  the  spot, 
ready  to  act  and  able  to  perform  all  the  stipulations 
which  I had  been  led  to  suppose  they  had  bound  them- 
selves to. 

[At  Brazoria]  I had  some  conversation  with  Mr. 
[William]  Austin  on  the  purchase  of  land  I had  made 
in  New  York,  but  the  result  was  not  such  as  to  afford 
me  much  gratification.  On  the  contrary,  he  regarded 
the  certificate  I held  as  of  no  value  whatever.  He  was 
confident  that  the  government  would  never  recognize 
the  right,  claimed  by  the  company,  of  giving  titles  to 
lands;  for,  as  he  said,  it  had  not  even  been  conferred 
upon  the  empresarios,  from  whom  the  company  pre- 
tended to  have  received  it.  He  had  already  seen  sev- 


Great  ex- 
pectations. 


Disap- 

pointment. 


118  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


Money  gone 
and  nothing 
to  show 
for  it. 


The  decep- 
tion still 
going  on. 


eral  persons  who  had  come  out  under  circumstances 
like  my  own,  and  who,  on  inquiry,  had  become  con- 
vinced that  they  could  effect  nothing.  I soon  learned 
that  my  worst  fears  were  too  well  founded,  and  that 
my  hopes  were  all  fallacious. 

I had  now  some  painful  and  mortifying  reflections 
to  make.  On  an  examination  of  the  subject  with  the 
facts  before  me,  I found  that  I derived  no  advantage 
whatever  from  the  payment  of  money  I had  made, 
having  not  a foot  of  land,  nor  any  claim  to  offer  su- 
perior to  that  of  any  man  who  might  come  to  Texas 
from  a foreign  country.  My  confidence  in  the  names 
of  a few  respectable  individuals  appended  to  the  ad- 
vertisements of  a company  had  betrayed  me  into  much 
disappointment,  as  well  as  some  pecuniary  loss. 

When  I ascertained  the  facts  in  the  case,  I could  not 
think  of  myself  alone.  I knew  that  numbers  had  al- 
ready come  out  to  Texas  under  impressions  as  errone- 
ous as  my  own,  and  supposed  that  many  more  were  on 
the  way.  I believed,  too,  that  the  company  were  still 
selling  scrip,  and  that  probably  hundreds  of  persons, 
families  and  all,  had  by  this  time  embarked  in  the  same 
incautious  speculation. 


1.  What  was  the  writer’s  purpose  in  coming  to  Texas?  2.  By 
what  route  did  he  come?  3.  Compare  the  cost  of  transportation 
then  and  to-day.  4.  Note  the  lack  of  knowledge  of  Texas 
shown  by  the  passengers.  5.  How  was  the  Mexican  law  con- 
cerning slaves  evaded.  6.  What  were  the  writer’s  reflections  as 
he  passed  up  the  Brazos?  7.  Describe  his  disappoinment. 
8.  Was  he  the  only  immigrant  who  was  thus  disappointed? 


BREAKING  MUSTANGS 


U9 


32.  Breaking  Mustangs1 

Writer  Unknown  (1831) 


My  two  new  friends  intended  to  proceed  immedi- 
ately to  An'ahuac;  and  I concluded  to  accompany 
them,  as  that  would  be  the  most  probable  point  for 
the  early  reception  of  news 
from  the  United  States,  sev- 
eral vessels  with  emigrants 
being  understood  to  be  on  the 
passage. 

The  first  thing  to  be  at- 
tended to  was  the  purchase  of 
a horse;  and  this  was  readily 
done.  The  small  horses  of  the 
country,  called  mustangs,  in- 
troduced by  the  Spaniards, 
and  now  numerous  in  the  more 
northern  prairies,  run  wild  in 
droves  over  these  parts  of 
Texas,  and  are  easily  taken 
and  rendered  serviceable  by 
the  inhabitants.  When  caught, 
it  would  be  a .problem  to 
a stranger  to  confine  them,  where  there  is  neither 
tree  nor  rock  to  be  found;  but  the  Mexicans  put 
on  a halter,  knot  it  at  the  end,  dig  a hole  about  ten 


An  Old  Spanish  Bit 


How  mus- 
tangs are 
tied  to  a 
hole  in  the 
ground. 


1From  A Visit  to  Texas , 58-61. 


120  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


Cheap 

horses. 


Branding. 


inches  deep,  put  in  the  knot,  and  press  the  earth 
down  upon  it.  The  pull  being  sidewise  is  at  a disad- 
vantage, and  the  horse  is  unable  to  draw  it  out.  They 
are  driven  to  market,  purchased  for  three  or  four  dol- 
lars, branded,  hobbled,  turned  out  again,  and  entirely 
abandoned  to  themselves  until  they  are  needed. 

Whenever  a vessel  arrives,  some  of  the  inhabitants 
send  into  the  woods  and  cane  brakes  for  such  a num- 
ber as  they  suppose  may  be  wanted  by  the  passengers ; 
and  this  I found  had  already  been  done,  in  anticipa- 
tion of  the  wants  of  those  who  came  in  the  sloop 
Majesty.  In  the  log  stable  belonging  to  Mr.  Aus- 
tin, at  whose  house  I lodged,  I saw  a number  of  them, 
with  all  the  wild  look  which  might  be  expected  from 
their  habits  of  life.  They  are  small,  generally  about 
thirteen  hands  high,  well  formed,  rather  for  strength, 
and  of  different  colors.  I saw  others  in  several  other 
stables;  and  at  length  made  choice  of  a white  one. 
Having  paid  for  him  a doubloon1  and  four  dollars  (a 
handsome  advance  on  his  original  cost),  I stuffed  a 
pair  of  saddle  bags  with  a few  articles  of  food  as  well 
as  clothes,  and  was  soon  ready  for  my  journey. 

As  the  brands  on  horses  afford  the  only  evidence 
of  their  identity,  and  the  property  of  their  owners,  the 
rules  observed  in  respect  to  them  are  very  strict. 

These  horses  are  very  useful  in  the  country,  and 
may  perhaps  become  at  some  future  time  a valuable 


*A  doubloon  was  worth  about  $16. 


BREAKING  MUSTANGS 


121 


article  of  export,  as  they  are  innumerable,  and  cost 
only  the  trouble  of  catching.  This  is  done  with  a 
strong  noosed  cord,  made  of  twisted  strips  of  raw- 
hide,  and  called  a lazo,  which  is  the  Spanish  word  for 
band  or  bond.  It  has  been  often  described,  as  well 
as  the  manner  of  throwing  it*  as  it  is  in  common  use 
for  catching  animals,  and  sometimes  for  choking  men, 
in  different  parts  of  America  inhabited  by  the  descen- 
dants of  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese. 

A man  on  horseback,  with  a lazo  coiled  in  his  left 
hand,  and  one  end  of  it  fastened  to  the  horse,  whirls 
the  noosed  end  in  the  air  over  his  head  as  he  ap- 
proaches the  animal  he  intends  to  seize;  and,  on  find- 
ing an  opportunity,  throws  it  over  its  head  or  horns, 
and  checks  his  horse.  The  noose  is  instantly  drawn 
tight,  and  the  poor  creature  is  thrown  violently  down, 
without  the  power  of  moving,  and  generally  deprived 
of  breath.  They  are  sometimes  badly  injured,  and 
even  killed,  by  being  dashed  to  the  ground,  but  gen- 
erally escape  with  a severe  practical  lesson  on  the 
nature  of  this  rude  instrument  of  civilization,  which 
they  afterwards  hold  in  great  respect  all  their  lives, 
yielding  immediately  whenever  they  feel  it  again 
upon  their  necks. 

The  mustangs  often  carry  to  their  graves  evidence 
of  the  violent  means  adopted  by  the  Mexicans  in 
breaking  them  to  the  bridle.  Many  of  them  are 
foundered  or  otherwise  diseased.  A horse  which  has 


The  lasso. 


A cruel  test 
of  mettle. 


122  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


Bit  and 
spur. 


been  lazoed  is  blindfolded,  and,  after  having  their 
terrible  lever  bits  put  into  his  mouth,  a moderate  pull 
upon  which  might  break  his  jaw,  is  mounted  by  a 
rider  armed  with  the  heavy  and  barbarous  spurs  of 
the  country.  If  he  runs  he  is  pricked  to  his  speed  till 
he  falls  down  with  exhaustion.  He  is  then  turned  in 
the  opposite  direction  and  cruelly  spurred  again.  If 
he  is  able  to  run  back  to  the  point  from  which  he 
started,  he  is  thought  to  have  bottom  enough  to  make 
a valuable  horse,  otherwise  he  is  turned  off  as  good  for 


An  Old  Spanish  Spur 


little  or  nothing.  The  process  is  a brutal  one,  and  the 

agony  inflicted  by  the  bits  is  extreme.  The  blood  flows 

freely  from  the  mouth  which  is  often  greatly  swollen, 

and  the  animal  yields  to  mere  force. 

******** 

The  white  hunters  have  another  method  of  taking 


AMONG  THE  OLD  THREE  HUNDRED  123 


the  wild  horses  which  is  often  successful.  It  is  called 
creasing , and  is  done  by  shooting  them  with  a rifle- 
ball  upon  a particular  cord  or  tendon  in  the  neck,  im- 
mediately under  the  mane.  If  the  ball  takes  effect 
precisely  in  the  right  spot  the  animal  falls  benumbed, 
and  without  the  power  to  move  for  several  minutes, 
when  he  is  easily  secured.  Should  it  strike  too  low, 
the  horse  is  still  able  to  run  off,  but  eventually  dies.1 

1.  Do  you  know  whether  there  were  any  horses  in  America 
when  Columbus  discovered  the  continent?  2.  What  do  you  sup- 
pose was  the  origin  of  the  wild  horses  in  Texas?  3.  In  what 
ways  did  the  Texans  catch  mustangs  ? 4.  Describe  the  cruel 

method  of  breaking  them.  5.  Describe  an  old  Mexican  bit.  6. 
What  was  the  ordinary  price  of  a mustang?  7.  Besides  using 
them  as  work  animals,  what  other  use  was  sometimes  made  of 
them  by  the  early  settlers  (see  pages  66,  73). 


33.  Among  the  Old  Three  Hundred2 

By  Noah  Smithwick 

Stephen  F.  Austin’s  first  permit  from  the  government  of 
Mexico  to  found  a colony  in  Texas  provided  that  he  should  settle 
three  hundred  families.  For  this  reason,  those  who  settled  in 
his  first  colony  were  called  “The  Old  Three  Hundred.” 

They  were  a social  people,  those  old  Three  Hun- 
dred, though  no  one  seems  to  have  noted  the  evidence 
of  it.  There  were  a number  of  weddings  and  other 
social  gatherings  during  my  sojourn  in  that  section. 
The  most  notable  one,  perhaps,  was  the  marriage  of 

irThis  paragraph  is  taken  from  Kendall,  Narrative  of  the  First 
Texan  Santa  Fe  Expedition , I,  148. 

^This  extract  is  taken  from  Smithwick,  The  Evolution  of  a 
State , 39-41. 


Creasing 

mustangs. 


A fashion- 
able wed- 
ding. 


124  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


In  Ameri- 
can style. 


The  wed- 
ding supper. 


Nicholas  McNutt  to  Miss  Cartwright.  Both  the  fam- 
ilies occupied  prominent  social  positions,  and  there 
was  a large  number  of  invited  guests.  Jesse  Cart- 
wright, father  of  the  bride,  was  a man  in  comfortable 
circumstances,  and  he  and  his  family  were  people  of 
good  breeding.  They  were  among  the  very  first  of 
Austin’s  colonists.  The  bridegroom  was  a son  of  the 
widow  McNutt,  also  among  the  early  arrivals.  Miss 
Mary  Allen,  daughter  of  Martin  Allen,  a very  pretty 
girl  and  a great  belle,  by  the  way,  was  bridesmaid. 
John  McNutt,  brother  of  the  bridegroom,  was  grooms- 
man. 

There  being  no  priest  in  the  vicinity,  Thomas 
Duke,  the  “big”  alcal'de,  was  summoned  from  San 
Felipe.  The  alcalde  (or  judge)  tied  the  nuptial  knot 
in  good  American  style,  but  the  contracting  parties 
had  to  sign  a bond  to  avail  themselves  of  the  priest’s 
services  to  legalize  the  marriage  at  the  earliest  oppor- 
tunity.1 

The  first  and  most  important  number  on  the  pro- 
gram being  duly  carried  out,  the  next  thing  in  order 
was  the  wedding  supper,  which  was  the  best  the  mar- 
ket afforded.  That  being  disposed  of,  the  floor  was 
cleared  for  dancing.  It  mattered  not  that  the  floor 
was  made  of  puncheons.2  When  young  folks  danced 

1The  Mexican  government,  being  Catholic,  did  not  recognize 
the  legality  of  a marriage  performed  by  any  one  except  a Catholic 
priest.  There  were  few  priests  in  Texas,  so  that  people,  for  their 
own  convenience,  were  often  married  by  a civil  magistrate  and 
agreed  to  be  remarried  when  a priest  came  along.  See  page  140. 

2Puncheons  were  logs  split  and  hewn  smooth  on  the  flat  side. 


AMONG  THE  OLD  THREE  HUNDRED  125 


those  days,  they  danced;  they  didn’t  glide  around; 

they  “shuffled”  and  “double-shuffled,”  “wired”  and 

“cut  the  pigeon  wing,”  making  the  splinters  fly. 

There  were  some  of  the  boys,  however,  who  were  Swapping 

shoes. 


A Pioneer  Dandy 

not  provided  with  shoes,  and  moccasins  were  not 
adapted  to  that  kind  of  dancing  floor,  and,  moreover, 
they  couldn’t  make  noise  enough.  But  their  more  for- 


126  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


A different 
kind  of 
wedding. 


Primitive 
musical  in- 
struments. 


tunate  brethren  were  not  at  all  selfish  or  disposed  to 
put  on  airs,  so,  when  they  had  danced  a turn  they  gen- 
erously exchanged  footgear  with  the  moccasined  con- 
tingent and  gave  them  the  ring,  and  we  literally  kicked 
every  splinter  off  that  floor  before  morning.  The 
fiddle,  manipulated  by  Jesse  Thompson’s  [negro]  man 
Mose,  being  rather  too  weak  to  make  itself  heard 
above  the  din  of  clattering  feet,  we  had  in  another 
fellow  with  a clevis  and  pin  to  strengthen  the  orchestra. 
We  had  a most  enjoyable  time. 

One  other  wedding  to  which  I was  bidden  was  that 
of  Dr.  Angier  and  Mrs.  Pickett.  Mills  M.  Battles,  I 
think,  officiated.  The  wedding,  which  took  place  at 
Captain  Bailey’s,  was  a very  quiet  affair,  no  dancing 
or  other  amusements  being  indulged  in. 

Another  dancing  party  in  which  I participated  was 
at  Martin  Varner’s,  near  Columbia.  When  we  were 
all  assembled  and  ready  to  begin  business  it  was  found 
that  Mose,  the  only  fiddler  around,  had  failed  to  come 
to  time,  so  we  called  in  an  old  darky  belonging  to 
Colonel  Zeno  Phillips,  who  performed  on  a clevis  as 
an  accompaniment  to  his  singing,  while  another  negro 
scraped  on  a cotton  hoe  with  a case  knife.  The  favor- 
ite chorus  was : 


“O  git  up  gals  in  de  mawnin’, 
O git  up  gals  in  de  mawnin’, 
O git  up  gals  in  de  mawnin’, 
Jes  at  de  break  ob  day.” 


A VISIT  TO  TEXAS 


127 


At  the  conclusion  of  this  the  performer  gave  an 
extra  blow  to  the  clevis,  while  the  dancers  responded 
with  a series  of  dexterous  rat-tat-tats  with  heel  and 
toe. 

Ah,  those  old  memories,  how  they  throng  around 
me,  bringing  up  forms  and  faces  long  since  hidden 
’neath  the  sod.  So  long  ago  the  events  herein  nar- 
rated occurred  that  I question  if  there  is  now  another 
person  living  who  participated  in  them. 

1.  Why  were  the  bridal  couple  required  to  be  subsequently 
married  by  a priest?  2.  Describe  some  of  the  dancing  customs 
among  the  Old  Three  Hundred. 


34.  A Visit  to  Texas  in  18321 

By  Major  George  B.  Erath 

It  was  on  the  morning  of  the  first  of  May  that  I 
threw  my  baggage  on  one  of  the  ox-wagons  then 
transporting  goods  from  the  coast  to  the  interior,  and 
went  out  as  far  as  the  Brazos  bottom.  The  custom 
was  for  all  wagons  to  travel  together.  If  the  care- 
lessness of  one  waggoner  caused  a yoke  of  oxen  to 
stray  at  night,  the  whole  train  of  wagons  must  wait. 
Sometimes  a new  yoke  was  lost  while  the  old  one 
was  being  hunted,  and  another  possibly  before  the 
second  was  found,  and  so  on.  Thus  our  journey  was 


Old 

memories. 


Traveling 
under  dif- 
ficulties. 


^rom  A Comprehensive  Bistory  of  Texas,  T,  597-599. 


128  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


Riding 

bareback. 


Poor 

farming. 


Frontier 

homes. 


Log  school 
houses. 


stopped  in  the  Brazos  bottom  until  a party  of  Mex- 
icans joined  us  from  whom  horses  were  to  be  obtained. 

We  all  bought  horses,  and  I rode  bareback,  with 
a rope  around  the  nose  of  my  animal,  while  my  com- 
panions used  the  saddles  which  they  had  brought 
along  with  them.  And  thus  we  came  in  two  days  to 
San  Felipe. 

Farming  and  stock  raising,  of  course,  formed  the 
chief  industries  of  the  country.  But  the  farming  was 
carried  on  in  a very  primitive  way,  excepting  perhaps 
near  the  coast,  where  there  were  slave  owners. 

Some  families  were  to  be  found  very  comfortably 
established  in  double  log  cabins,  with  stone  chimneys 
and  plank  floors.  Then  again,  you  saw  cabins  of 
logs  with  the  bark  on,  one  room  for  the  whole  family 
and  comers  and  goers.  The  wind  found  the  crevices 
between  the  logs,  and  sometimes  helped  the  fire  to  set 
a wooden  chimney  to  burning.  In  such  a case  you 
could  do  nothing  but  climb  up  on  the  outside  and 
throw  your  chimney  down,  thus  leaving  the  small 
room  more  at  the  mercy  of  the  roaring  norther. 

School  houses  of  logs  were  found  in  the  thicker 
settlements,  but  seldom  was  school  kept  in  one  for  a 
whole  year.  The  same  houses,  or  the  shade  of  a tree, 
did  very  well  for  a religious  service,  and  preachers 
of  all  denominations  were  passing  and  repassing. 

Much  trade  was  done  by  way  of  exchange  of  prop- 
erty, and  cows  and  calves  had  got  to  be  used  some- 


FRONTIER  HOSPITALITY 


129 


what  as  a legal  tender  for  ten  dollars  each.  If  a man 
wished  to  say  he  had  paid  fifty  dollars  for  a yoke  of 
steers,  very  probably  he  declared  that  he  had  paid 
five  cows  and  calves  for  it.  I heard  it  said  repeatedly 
in  those  days  that  cows  and  calves  were  ten  dollar 
bills,  and  hogs  and  chickens  were  change. 


1.  How  did  the  early  settlers  ship  their  freight?  2.  What 
were  some  of  the  inconveniences  of  traveling  in  those  days? 
3.  What  was  the  occupation  of  most  of  the  colonists?  4.  De- 
scribe their  best  and  their  poorest  houses,  and  compare  them 
with  the  homes  that  you  see  to-day  ? 5.  W7hat  did  they  use  for 

churches?  6.  What  did  they  use  for  money? 


35.  Frontier  Hospitality1 

By  Noah  Smithwick 

Another  type  of  the  old  colonists,  and  one  that 
played  an  important  part  in  the  development  of  the 
country,  was  Thomas  B.  Bell,  who  lived  up  on  the 
San  Bernard  above  McNeal’s.  I took  quite  a fancy 
to  him,  and  gladly  accepted  an  invitation  to  visit  him. 
I found  him  living  in  a little  pole  cabin  in  the  midst 
of  a small  clearing  upon  which  was  a crop  of  corn. 
His  wife  welcomed  me  with  as  much  cordiality  as  if 
she  wefe  mistress  of  a mansion.  There  were  two 
young  children  and  they,  too,  showed  in  their  every 
manner  the  effects  of  gentle  training.  The  whole 
family  were  dressed  in  buckskin,  and  when  supper 

!From  Smithwick,  The  Evolution  of  a State,  38. 

9 


Unwieldy 

money. 


A colonist 
of  the 
best  type 


130  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


His  home 
and  fur- 
niture. 


Unspoiled 
by  good 
fortune. 


was  announced,  we  sat  on  stools  around  a clapboard 
table,  upon  which  were  arranged  wooden  platters. 

Beside  each  platter  lay  a fork  made  of  a joint  of 
cane.  The  knives  were  of  various  patterns,  ranging 
from  butcher  knives  to  pocket  knives;  and  for  cups, 
we  had  little  wild  cymlings,  scraped  and  scoured  until 
they  looked  as  white  and  clean  as  earthenware.  The 
milk  with  which  the  cups  were  filled  was  as  pure  and 
sweet  as  mortal  ever  tasted.  The  repast  was  of  the 
simplest,  but  was  served  with  as  much  grace  as  if  it 
had  been  a feast,  which,  indeed,  it  became,  seasoned 
with  the  kindly  manner  and  pleasant  conversation  of 
those  two  entertainers.  Not  a word  of  apology  was 
uttered  during  my  stay  of  a day  and  night,  and  when 
I left  them  I did  so  with  a hearty  invitation  to  repeat 
my  visit. 

It  so  happened  that  I never  was  at  their  place  again, 
but  I was  told  that  in  the  course  of  time  the  pole  cabin 
gave  place  to  a handsome  brick  house,  and  that  the 
rude  furnishings  were  replaced  by  the  best  the  country 
boasted;  but  I’ll  venture  to  say  that  the  host  and 
hostess  still  retained  their  old  hospitality  unchanged 
by  change  of  fortune. 

1.  Describe  the  house  in  which  the  host  lived.  2.  The  fur- 
niture. 3.  The  manners  of  the  family. 


JAMES  BOWIE’S  INDIAN  FIGHT  131 

36.  James  Bowie’s  Indian  Fight 

By  Rezin  P.  Bowie  (1832) 

The  writer  of  this  account1  was  James  Bowie’s  brother.  In 
1832  they  were  prospecting  for  gold  along  the  San  Saba  River, 
when  they  were  attacked  by  Indians.  The  fighting  lasted  only 
one  day,  but  for  seven  days  longer  the  Indians  surrounded  the 
party,  to  prevent  their  escape.  The  Indians  lost  eighty-two  men, 
killed  and  wounded;  the  Texans,  one  killed  and  three  wounded. 
This  is  considered  the  most  desperate  Indian  battle  in  the  records 
of  Texas. 

Their  number  being  so  much  greater  than  ours, 
one  hundred  and  sixty-four  to  eleven,  it  was  agreed 
that  Rezin  P.  Bowie  should  be  sent  out  to  talk  to 
them,  and  endeavor  to  compromise.  He  started,  with 
David  Buchanan  in  company,  and  walked  up  to  within 
forty  yards  of  where  they  had  halted.  He  requested 
them  in  their  own  tongue  to  send  forward  their  chief, 
as  we  wanted  to  talk  to  him. 

Their  answer  was,  “How  do  you  do!  how  do  you 
do !”  in  English,  and  a discharge  of  twelve  shots,  one 
of  which  broke  Buchanan’s  leg.  Bowie  returned  their 
salutation  with  the  contents  of  a double-barreled  gun 
and  a pistol.  He  then  took  Buchanan  on  his  shoulder, 
and  started  back  to  the  encampment. 

They  opened  a heavy  fire,  which  wounded  Bucha- 
nan in  two  more  places  slightly,  and  pierced  Bowie’s 
hunting  shirt  in  several  places  without  doing  him  any 
injury.  When  they  found  that  their  shot  failed  to 

VFrom  A.  J.  Sowell,  Texas  Rangers,  46-50. 


Proposing 
a parley. 


A treacher- 
ous attack. 


A race 
for  life. 


132  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


bring  down  Bowie,  eight  Indians  on  foot  took  after 
him  with  tomahawks.  When  close  upon  him  they 
were  disc.overed  by  his  party,  who  rushed  out  with 
their  rifles  and  brought  down  four  of  them.  The 
other  four  retreated  to  their  main  body.  We  returned 
to  our  position,  and  all  was  still  for  about  five  min- 
utes. 

The  death  We  then  discovered  a hill  to  the  northwest  red  with 

of  a chief. 

Indians.  They  opened  a heavy  fire  on  us,  their  chief, 


James  Bowie’s  Spectacles 

on  horseback,  urging  them  to  the  charge.  When  we 
first  discovered  him,  our  guns  were  all  empty  with  the 
exception  of  Mr.  Hamm’s.  James  Bowie  cried  out, 
“Who  is  loaded?”  Mr.  Hamm  answered,  “I  am.” 
He  was  told  to  shoot  that  Indian  on  horseback.  He 
did  so,  breaking  his  leg  and  killing  his  horse.  We 
saw  him  hopping  around  his  horse  on  one  leg  with 
his  shield  on  his  arm  to  keep  off  the  balls.  By  this 
time  four  of  our  party,  being  reloaded,  fired  at  the 


JAMES  BOWIE'S  INDIAN  FIGHT 


133 


same  instant,  and  all  the  balls  took  effect  through  the 
shield.  He  fell  and  was  immediately  surrounded  by 
six  or  eight  of  his  tribe,  who  picked  him  up  and  bore 
him  off.  Several  of  these  were  shot  by  our  party. 

Finding  our  situation  too  much  exposed  among  the 
trees,  we  were  obliged  to  leave  them  and  take  to  the 
thickets.  They  discovered  that  we  were  not  to  be 
dislodged  from  the  thicket,  and  they  determined  to 
resort  to  strategy.  They  set  fire  to  the  dry  grass 
in  the  prairie,  for  the  double  purpose  of  routing  us 
from  our  position,  and,  under  cover  of  the  smoke, 
carrying  away  their  dead  and  wounded  that  lay 
near  us. 

In  the  meantime,  our  party  was  engaged  in  scraping 
away  the  dry  grass  and  leaves  from  our  wounded 
men  and  baggage,  to  prevent  the  fire  from  passing 
over  them.  We  saw  no  hope  of  escape.  The  fire 
was  coming  down  rapidly  before  the  wind,  flaming 
ten  feet  high.  What  was  to  be  done?  We  must 
either  be  burnt  alive  or  driven  into  the  prairie  among 
the  savages.  This  encouraged  the  Indians,  and  their 
shouts  and  yells  rent  the  air,  while  they  fired  about 
twenty  shots  a minute.  The  sparks  were  flying  about 
so  thickly  that  no  man  could  open  his  powderhorn 
without  running  the  risk  of  being  blown  up.  How- 
ever, we  finally  came  to  a determination.  We  de- 
cided that  each  man  should  take  care  of  himself  as 
well  as  he  could  until  the  fire  reached  the  ring  around 


Refuge  in 
a thicket. 


A narrow 
escape. 


134  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


Sunset 
and  rest. 


Heavy  du- 
ties cause 
smuggling. 


our  baggage  and  wounded  men,  and  there  it  should 
be  smothered  with  buffalo  robes,  bear  skins,  deer  skins, 
and  blankets.  This,  after  great  exertion,  we  suc- 
ceeded in  doing. 

During  the  fire  the  Indians  had  succeeded  in  remov- 
ing all  their  killed  and  wounded.  It  was  now  sun- 
down, and  we  had  been  warmly  engaged  with  the  In- 
dians since  sunrise.  Seeing  us  still  alive  and  ready 
for  fight,  they  drew  off  a hundred  yards  and  encamped 
for  the  night. 

1.  Tell  what  you  know  of  James  Bowie.  2.  What  was  he 
doing  at  San  Saba  ? 3.  Describe  the  battle.  4.  How  did  Bowie 

save  the  party  from  being  burned  up  by  the  Indians? 


37.  A Smuggling  Trip  to  Old  Mexico 

By  Noah  Smithwick  (About  1827) 

Spain  was  very  unwise  in  her  regulation  of  the  commerce  of 
her  colonies.  She  would  not  allow  them  to  trade  among  them- 
selves or  with  other  nations  except  under  very  burdensome  re- 
strictions. This  caused  the  colonists  to  be  dissatisfied,  and,  to 
evade  the  bad  laws,  they  often  resorted  to  smuggling  and  other 
forms  of  illegal  trade.  When  Mexico  became  independent  she 
retained  many  of  the  unwise  laws  in  her  provinces,  and  the  people 
continued  to  break  them.  The  way  this  was  sometimes  done  in 
Texas  is  told  in  this  story.1 

Under  the  colonization  act,  the  Texas  colonists 
were  permitted  to  import,  duty  free,  everything  they 
desired  for  their  own  use ; but,  in  order  to  carry  mer- 
chandise into  Mexico,  they  were  required  to  pay  a 


^rom  Smithwick.  The  Evolution  of  a State,  42-54. 


A SMUGGLING  TRIP 


135 


heavy  import  duty.  The  government  reserved  to 
itself  the  sole  right  to  deal  in  coffee  and  tobacco. 
Citizens  were  even  restricted  in  the  cultivation  of  to- 
bacco. The  government,  it  is  said,  passed  an  act 
prohibiting  any  one  person  from  planting  more  than 
one-sixth  of  a bushel  of  tobacco  seed.  Traders  had 
to  pay  a heavy  duty  to  get  their  goods  into  market, 
and  a still  heavier  duty  to  get  their  money  out;  so 
smuggling  was  largely  resorted  to,  notwithstanding 
the  strict  patrol  maintained  along  the  border.  The 
official  eye,  however,  was  not  proof  against  the  dazzle 
of  coin.  There  was,  therefore,  little  to  fear  from 
that  source.  The  principal  risk  lay  in  the  greed  of 
the  Mexican  soldiery. 

Life  in  the  colonies  becoming  stale  and  not  being 
so  profitable  as  I could  wish,  I sold  out  my  shop  down 
at  Bell’s  Landing  (Columbia),  invested  the  proceeds 
in  tobacco,  and,  in  company  with  Joe  McCoy,  Jack 
Cryor,  and  John  Webber,  set  out  for  Mexico  on  a 
smuggling  trip.  Altogether  we  had  about  1000 
pounds  of  leaf  tobacco,  done  up  in  bales  of  ioo 
pounds  each,  which  we  packed  on  mules. 

The  first  town  we  struck  on  the  Rio  Grande  was 
Laredo.  Finding  that  some  other  trader  had  got  in 
ahead  of  us  and  stocked  the  market,  we  proceeded  on 
up  the  river  to  find  fresh  territory.  On  the  way  up 
one  of  those  interminable  Texas  rains  set  in,  and  we 


Preparing 
for  a trip. 


Stopped  by 
a storm. 


136  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


A river  and 
no  boats. 


Goats’  milk 
and  inves- 
tigations. 


A raw- 
hide  boat. 


were  compelled  to  strike  camp  and  cover  up  our  to- 
bacco. 

The  weather  finally  cleared,  and  we  went  on  up  to 
Presidio  del  Norte,  but  the  rains  had  raised  the  river 
and  there  were  no  boats  except  rawhide  ones,  which 
were  not  very  safe  with  the  river  a quarter  of  a mile 
wide  and  running  with  a swift  current.  We  hid  our 
tobacco  out  in  the  chaparral  and  lay  around  watching 
for  some  chance  to  cross  the  river. 

Over  opposite  our  camp  was  a goat  ranch.  Under 
pretense  of  getting  milk,  Cryor  and  I swam  our  horses 
over  and  reconnoitered.  Seeing  our  designs,  the 
Mexican  soldiers  concluded  to  follow  our  example  and 
investigate  us.  Their  ponies  were  not  strong  enough 
to  breast  the  current  and  were  carried  down  to  a point 
where  the  bank  was  so  steep  that  they  could  not  land. 
One  soldier  was  drowned,  and  the  others,  after  drift- 
ing down  lower,  scrambled  out.  They  found  our  to- 
bacco and  helped  themselves  to  as  much  as  they  could 
conceal,  making  no  attempt  to  arrest  us,  as  their  duty 
required.  To  have  done  so  would  have  necessitated 
the  surrender  of  the  goods  to  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment, which  they  had  no  intention  of  doing. 

Surmising  that  they  proposed  returning  at  their 
convenience  for  the  bulk  of  our  cargo,  we  removed  it. 
We  then  paid  another  visit  to  the  goat  ranch,  and  by 
a little  persuasion  succeeded  in  getting  a rawhide  boat 
which  we  took  across  the  river  after  dark,  swimming 


A SMUGGLING  TRIP 


137 


and  towing  it.  In  the  same  manner  we  ferried  the 
tobacco  over  and  had  it  safely  hidden  before  morning. 

There  was  more  tobacco  than  could  be  disposed  of 
in  one  little  town,  so  we  divided  it,  Webber  and  I 
taking  our  part  up  to  San  Fernando. ' Cryor  and  Mc- 
Coy got  in  with  the  alcalde  [judge],  but  the  custom- 
house officers  learned  of  the  affair  and  arrested  the 
alcalde.  He  succeeded  in  giving  the  boys  warning 
and  they  fled,  leaving  their  tobacco  buried  in  the  sand. 

Webber  and  I had  better  luck.  Arriving  at  San  Fer- 
nando in  safety,  we  hunted  up  the  only  white  man  in 
the  place,  John  Villars,  and  made  him  our  confederate. 
Through  his  assistance  we  found  safe  hiding  for  our 
wares  with  an  old  Mexican  woman,  Doha  [Don'-ya] 
Pe'tra,  who  enjoyed  the  distinction  of  being  the  widow 
of  a white  man,  and  who  was,  consequently,  the 
steadfast  friend  of  all  Americans.  Our  staying  in  her 
house  was,  therefore,  quite  a matter  of  course,  and  it 
caused  no  suspicion. 

We  had  to  dispose  of  the  tobacco  in  small  parcels, 
which  took  time.  In  order  to  avert  any  suspicion  that 
an  apparently  aimless  sojourn  might  arouse,  Villars 
suggested  that  one  of  us  should  be  “doctor.”  Amer- 
ican doctors  were  in  demand  among  the  Mex- 
icans, who  had  no  regular  physicians.  We  decided 
that  Webber  must  shoulder  the  responsibility.  Vil- 
lars had  a store  which  was  the  principal  advertising 
medium  in  the  vicinity.  Its  facilities  were  ample,  and 


Dividing  the 
tobacco. 


Dona-  Petra. 


Playing 

doctor. 


138  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


Small 

profits. 


“Dr.”  Webber’s  services  were  soon  in  requisition.  We 
had  taken  out  a lot  of  simple  medicines  for  our  own 
needs,  consisting  for  the  most  part  of  calomel,  quinine, 
and  tartar  emetic.  As  I spoke  better  Spanish  than 
the  “doctor,”  I accompanied  him  on  his  visits,  under 
pretense  of  being  interpreter,  but  really  to  see  the  fun 
and  help  him  out  if  he  got  into  deep  water.  With 
an  air  of  importance  that  would  have  done  credit  to  a 
professional,  Webber  noted  the  symptoms,  shaking  his 
head,  knitting  his  brows,  and  otherwise  impressing 
the  patient  with  the  seriousness  of  his  condition. 

We  sold  our  tobacco  for  a good  price,  getting  as 
high  as  $2  a pound  for  some  of  it,  but  with  what  the 
soldiers  stole  and  the  money  we  necessarily  spent,  we 
hadn’t  more  than  the  law  allowed  us  to  take  out  duty 
free,  so  we  had  no  difficulty  in  leaving  the  State. 
Traders  who  did  a large  business,  though,  found  the 
export  duty  rather  heavy  and  resorted  to  many  de- 
vices to  evade  it. 

1.  In  what  way  did  Mexico  restrict  trade?  2.  Tell  of  her 
laws  about  tobacco.  3.  What  is  smuggling.  Is  it  right?  5.  In 
what  ways  were  smugglers  sometimes  aided  by  Mexican  officials? 
6.  is  trade  restricted  in  any  way  by  our  own  laws? 


A LITTLE  GERMAN  GIRL 


139 


38.  A Little  German  Girl  in  Early  Texas1 

By  Caroline  von  Hinueber  (1831-1835) 

When  my  father  came  to  Texas  I was  a child  of 
eleven  or  twelve  years.  My  father’s  name  was  Freder- 
ick Ernst.  He  was  by  profession  a bookkeeper,  and 
emigrated  from  the  duchy  of  Oldenburg.2  Shortly 
after  landing  in  New  York  he  fell  in  with  Mr.  Ford- 
tran,  a tanner  and  a countryman  of  his.  A book  by 
a Mr.  Duhde,  setting  forth  the  advantages  of  the  new 
State  of  Missouri,  had  come  into  their  hands,  and 
they  determined  to  settle  in  that  State.  While  in 
New  Orleans,  they  heard  that  every  settler  who  came 
to  Texas  with  his  family  would  receive  a league3 
and  labor'4  of  land  from  the  Mexican  government. 
This  information  induced  them  to  abandon  their  first 
intention.  We  set  sail  for  Texas  in  the  schooner 
Saltillo  [Sal-teel'-yo] . Just  as  we  were  ready  to 
start,  a flatboat  with  a party  of  Kentuckians  and  their 
dogs  was  hitched  to  our  vessel,  the  Kentuckians 
coming  aboard  and  leaving  their  dogs  behind  on  the 
flatboat. 

^rom  the  Quarterly  of  the  Texas  State  Historical  Association, 
11,  227-30.  This  account  was  translated  from  the  German  by 
Rudolph  Kleberg,  Jr. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  61-69,  77-81;  Garrison,  145. 

201denburg  is  a state  in  the  northwestern  part  of  the  German 
Empire. 

3A  league  is  4,428  acres  of  land. 

4A  labor'  is  177  acres. 


Why  we 
came  to 
Texas. 


140  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


An  un- 
pleasant 
voyage. 


San  Felipe 
in  1831. 


We  were  almost  as  uncomfortable  as  the  dogs. 
The  boat  was  jammed  with  passengers  and  their  lug- 
gage so  that  you  could  hardly  find  a place  on  the  floor 
to  lie  down  at  night.  I firmly  believe  that  a strong 
wind  would  have  drowned  us  all.  We  landed  a* 
Harrisburg,  which  consisted  at  that  time  of  about 
five  or  six  log  houses,  on  the  3d  of  April,  1831.  Cap- 
tain Harris  had  a sawmill,  and  there  was  a store  or 
two,  I believe.  Here  we  remained  five  weeks,  while 
Fordtran  went  ahead  of  us  and  selected  a league  of 
land,  where  now  stands  the  town  of  Industry. 

While  on  our'  way  to  our  new  home,  we  stayed  in 
San  Felipe  for  several  days  at  Whiteside’s  Tavern. 
The  courthouse  was  about  a mile  out  of  town,  and 
here  R.  M.  Williamson,  who  was  then  the  alcalde, 
had  his  office.  I saw  him  several  times  while  I was 
here,  and  remember  how  I wondered  at  his  crutch 
and  wooden  leg.  S.  F.  Austin  was  in  Mexico  at  the 
time,  and  Sam  Williams,  his  private  secretary,  gave 
my  father  a title  to  land  which  he  had  originally  picked 
out  for  himself.  My  father  had  to  kiss  the  Bible 
and  promise,  as  soon  as  the  priest  should  arrive,  to 
become  a Catholic.  People  were  married  by  the  al- 
calde also,  on  the  promise  that  they  would  have  them- 
selves reunited  on  the  arrival  of  the  priest.  But  no 
one  ever  became  Catholic,  though  the  priest,  Father 
Muldoon,  arrived  promptly.1 


1See  page  124. 


A LITTLE  GERMAN  GIRL 


141 


My  father  was  the  first  German  to  come  to  Texas 
with  his  family.  He  wrote  a letter  to  a friend,  a Mr. 
Schwarz,  in  Oldenburg,  which  was  published  in  the 
local  newspaper.  This  brought  a number  of  Germans, 
with  their  families,  to  Texas  in  1834. 

After  we  had  lived  on  Fordtran’s  place  for  six 
months,  we  moved  into  our  own  house.  This  was 
a miserable  little 
hut,  covered  with 
straw  and  having 
six  sides,  which 
were  made  out  of 
moss.  The  roof 
was  by  no  means 
waterproof,  and  we 
often  held  an  um- 
brella over  our  bed 
when  it  rained  at 
night,  while  cows 
came  and  ate  the  moss.  Of  course  we  suffered  a great 
deal  in  winter.  My  father  had  tried  to  build  a chimney 
and  fireplace  out  of  logs  and  clay,  but  we  were  afraid 
to  light  a fire  because  of  the  extreme  combustibility  of 
our  dwelling.  So  we  had  to  shiver. 

Our  shoes  gave  out,  and  we  had  to  go  barefoot 
in  winter,  for  we  did  not  know  how  to  make  moc- 
casins. Our  supply  of  clothes  was  also  insufficient, 
and  we  had  no  spinning  wheel,  nor  did  we  know  how 


Advertis- 
ing Texas  in 
Germany. 


A miserable 
home. 


142  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


Many 

hardships. 


Little  to 
eat ; corn 
bread  and 
peas. 


to  spin  and  weave  like  the  Americans.  It  was  twenty- 
eight  miles  to  San  Felipe,  and,  besides,  we  had  no 
money.  When  we  could  buy  things,  my  first  calico 
dress  cost  fifty  cents  per  yard. 

No  one  can  imagine  what  a degree  of  want  there 
was  of  the  merest  necessities  of  life,  and  it  is  difficult 
for  me  now  to  understand  how  we  managed  to  live 
and  get  along  under  the  circumstances.  Yet  we  did 
so  in  some  way.  We  were  really  better  supplied  than 
our  neighbors  with  household  and  farm  utensils,  but 
they  knew  better  how  to  help  themselves.  Suther- 
land used  his  razor  for  cutting  kindling,  killing  pigs, 
and  cutting  leather  for  moccasins.  My  mother  was 
once  called  to  a neighbor’s  house,  five  miles  from  us, 
because  one  of  the  little  children  was  very  sick.  My 
mother  slept  on  a deer  skin,  without  a pillow,  on  the 
floor.  In  the  morning,  the  lady  of  the  house  poured 
water  over  my  mother’s  hands  and  told  her  to  dry  her 
face  on  her  bonnet. 

At  first  we  had  very  little  to  eat.  We  ate  nothing 
but  corn  bread  at  first.  Later  we  began  to  raise  cow- 
peas,  and  afterwards  my  father  made  a fine  vegetable 
garden.  At  first  we  grated  our  corn,  until  father 
hollowed  out  a log  and  we  ground  it  as  in  a mortar. 
We  had  no  cooking  stove,  of  course,  and  baked  our 
bread  in  the  only  skillet  we  possessed.  The  ripe  corn 
was  boiled  until  it  was  soft,  then  grated  and  baked. 
The  nearest  mill  was  thirty  miles  off. 


A LITTLE  GERMAN  GIRL 


143 


The  country  was  very  thinly  settled.  Our  three 
neighbors,  Burnett,  Dougherty,  and  Sutherland,  lived 
in  a radius  of  seven  miles.  San  Felipe  was  twenty- 
eight  miles  off,  and  there  were  about  two  houses  on 
the  road  thither.  In  consequence,  there  was  no  mar- 
ket for  anything  you  could  raise,  except  for  cigars 
and  tobacco,  which  my  father  was  the  first  in  Texas 
to  put  on  the  market.  We  raised  barely  what  we 
needed,  and  we  kept  it.  Around  San  Felipe,  certainly, 
it  was  different,  and  there  were  some  beautiful  farms 
in  the  vicinity. 

Before  the  war  there  was  a school  in  Washington, 
taught  by  Miss  Trest,  where  the  Doughertys  sent  their 
daughter,  boarding  her  in  the  city.  Of  course  we  did 
not  patronize  it. 

We  lived  in  our  doorless  and  windowless  six-cor- 
nered pavilion  about  three  years. 

1.  Who  was  the  first  German  to  settle  in  Texas  with  his  fam- 
ily? 2.  Why  did  he  come  to  Texas?  3.  Describe  some  of  the 
hardships  of  the  voyage  from  New  Orleans.  4.  Describe  Harris- 
burg in  1831.  5.  What  church  did  immigrants  have  to  belong  to 

before  they  could  get  land  in  Texas?  6.  Describe  the  home  of 
the  first  German  family  in  Texas?  7.  Were  the  American  set- 
tlers much  better  off  ? 8.  Describe  some  of  the  most  common 

hardships  of  the  settlers.  9.  What  was  the  price  of  calico  in 
San  Felipe  before  the  revolution?  10.  Were  there  any  schools 
in  Texas  at  this  time? 


Few  neigh- 
bors. 


A fashion- 
able school. 


144  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


Population. 


Money 

scarce. 


39.  A Description  of  Texas  in  1834 

By  J.  N.  Almonte 

Colonel  J.  N.  Almonte  was  appointed  by  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment in  1834  to  make  a tour  of  inspection  through  Texas.  This 
selection1  tells  in  part  what  he  saw. 

* 

Part  One.  The  Department  of  Bexar 

In  1806  the  department  of  Bexar  contained  two 
municipalities,  San  Antonio  de  Bexar  [Ba'-har],  with 
a population  of  5000  souls,  and  Goliad,  with  1400; 
total  6400.  In  1834  there  were  four  municipalities, 
with  the  following  population  respectively:  San  An- 

tonio de  Bexar,  2400;  Goliad,  700;  Victoria,  300; 
San  Patricio,  600;  total,  4000.  Deducting  600  for 
the  municipality  of  San  Patricio  [an  Irish  settlement], 
the  Mexican  population  had  declined  from  6400  to 
3400  between  1806  and  1834.  This  is  the  only  dis- 
trict of  Texas  in  which  there  are  no  negro  laborers. 

Extensive  undertakings  can  not  be  entered  on  in 
Bexar,  as  there  is  no  individual  capital  exceeding 
$10,000.  All  the  provisions  raised  by  the  inhabitants 
are  consumed  in  the  district.  The  wild  horse  is  so 
common  as  to  be  valued  at  no  more  than  two  dollars 
and  a half  when  caught.  Cattle  are  cheap ; a cow  and 
a calf  not  being  worth  more  than  ten  dollars,  and  a 
young  bull  or  heifer  from  four  to  five  dollars.  Sheep 
are  scarce,  not  exceeding  5000  head.  The  whole  ex- 

Trom  a translation  of  Almonte’s  report  in  Kennedy’s  Texas,  II, 
70-79. 


A DESCRIPTION  OF  TEXAS  145 

port  trade  is  confined  to  from  8000  to  10,000  skins  of 
various  kinds,  and  the  imports  to  a few  articles  from 
New  Orleans,  which  are  exchanged  in  San  Antonio 
for  peltry  and  currency. 

There  is  one  school  in  the  capital  of  the  Depart- 
ment [San  Antonio],  supported  by  the  municipality, 
but  apparently  the  funds  are  so  reduced  as  to  render 
the  maintenance  of  even  this  useful  establishment  im- 
possible. In  the  whole  Department  there  is  but  one 
priest. 

Part  Two.  The  Department  of  the  Brazos 

The  capital  of  the  Department  of  the  Brazos  is 
San  Felipe  de  Austin.  The  following  are  the  munic- 
ipalities and  towns  of  the  Department,  with  their 
population:  San  Felipe,  2500;  Columbia,  2100;  Mat- 
agorda, 1400;  Gonzales,  900;  Mina,  1100;  total, 
8000.  Towns:  Brazoria,  Harrisburg,  Velasco,  Boli- 
var [population  not  given].  In  the  population  are 
included  about  1000  negroes,  introduced  under  cer- 
tain conditions  guaranteed  by  the  State  government,1 
and  although  it  is  true  that  a few  African  slaves  have 
been  imported  into  Texas,  yet  it  has  been  done  con- 
trary to  the  opinion  of  the  respectable  settlers,  who 
were  unable  to  prevent  it. 

The  most  prosperous  colonies  of  this  Department 
are  those  of  Austin  and  De  Witt.  Towards  the  north- 
west of  San  Felipe  there  is  now  a new  colony  under 

1See  page  116. 

10 


One  school 
in  San 
Antonio. 


Population, 


Austin’s 
and  De- 
Witt’s  colo- 
nies pros- 
perous. 


146  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


Cotton 

statistics. 


Trade  im- 
portant. 


the  direction  of  Robertson;  the  same  that  was  for- 
merly under  the  charge  of  Austin. 

In  1833,  upwards  of  2000  bales  of  cotton,  weighing 
from  400  to  500  pounds  each,  were  exported  from  the 
Brazos;  and  it  is  said  that  in  1832  not  less  than  5000 
bales  were  exported.  The  corn  is  all  consumed  in 
the  country,  though  the  annual  crop  exceeds  50,000 
barrels.  The  cattle,  of  which  there  may  be  about 

25.000  head  in  the  district,  are  usually  driven  for  sale 
to  Natchitoches.  The  cotton  is  exported  regularly 
from  Brazoria  to  New  Orleans,  where  it  pays  2V2 
per  cent  duty,  and  realizes  from  10  to  10V2  cents  per 
pound  for  the  exporter,  after  paying  cost  of  trans- 
port, etc.  The  price  of  cattle  varies  but  little  through- 
out Texas,  and  is  the  same  in  the  Brazos  as  in  Bexar. 
There  are  no  sheep  in  this  district ; herds  of  swine  are 
numerous,  and  may  be  reckoned  at  50,000  head. 

The  trade  of  the  Department  of  the  Brazos  has 
reached  600,000  dollars.  Taking  the  estimate  for 
1832  (the  settlements  having  been  ravaged  by  the 
cholera  in  1833),  the  exports  and  imports  are  esti- 
mated thus:  5000  bales  of  cotton,  weighing  2,250,- 

000  pounds,  sold  in  New  Orleans  and  producing  at 
10  cents  per  pound  225,000  dollars  net;  50,000  skins, 
at  an  average  of  one  dollar  each,  50,000  dollars. 
Value  of  exports,  275,000  dollars  (exclusive  of  the 
sale  of  live  stock).  The  imports  are  estimated  at 

325.000  dollars. 


A DESCRIPTION  OF  TEXAS 


147 


In  this  Department  there  is  but  one  school,  near  One  school; 

. . small  at- 

Brazoria,  erected  by  subscription,  and  containing  from  tendance, 
thirty  to  forty  pupils.  The  wealthier  colonists  prefer 
sending  their  children  to  the  United  States ; and  those 
who  have  not  the  advantages  of  fortune  care  little  for 
the  education  of  their  sons,  provided  they  can  wield 
the  axe  and  cut  down  a tree,  or  kill  a deer  with  dex- 
terity. 

Part  Three.  The  Department  of  Nacogdoches 

The  Department  of  Nacogdoches  contains  four  Population, 
municipalities  and  four  towns.  Nacogdoches  muni- 
cipality has  a population  of  3500;  that  of  San  Au- 
gustine, 2500;  Liberty,  1000;  Johnsburg,  2000;  the 
town  of  An'ahuac,  50;  Bevil,  140;  Teran',  10;  Ten'aha, 

100;  total  population,  9000;  in  which  is  included  about 
1000  negroes,  introduced  under  special  arrangements. 

There  are  three  common  schools  in  this  Depart-  Three 

schools; 

ment,  one  at  Nacogdoches,  very  badly  supported,  an-  poorly  sup- 
other  at  San  Augustine,  and  the  third  at  Johnsburg.  ported- 
Texas  wants  a good  establishment  for  public  instruc- 
tion, where  the  Spanish  language  may  be  taught; 
otherwise  the  language  will  be  lost.  Even  at  present 
English  is  almost  the  only  language  spoken  in  this 
section  of  the  Republic. 

The  trade  of  the  Department  amounts  for  the  year  Trade, 
to  470,000  dollars.  .The  exports  consist  of  cotton, 
skins  of  the  deer,  otter,  beaver,  etc.,  Indian  corn,  and 


148  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


Cattle 
and  hogs. 


Cotton  gins 
and  saw- 
mills. 


Money 

scarce. 


cattle.  There  will  be  exported  during  this  year  about 
2000  bales  of  cotton,  90,000  skins,  and  5000  head  of 
cattle,  equal  in  value  to  205,000  dollars.  The  im- 
ports are  estimated  at  265,000  dollars. 

There  are  about  50,000  head  of  cattle  in  the  whole 
Department,  and  prices  are  on  a level  with  those  in 
the  Brazos.  There  are  no  sheep,  nor  is  there  pasturage 
adapted  for  them.  There  are  about  60,000  head  of 
swine,  which  will  soon  form  another  article  of  ex- 
port. 

There  are  machines  for  cleaning  and  pressing  cot- 
ton in  the  Departments  of  Nacogdoches  and  the 
Brazos.  There  are  also  a number  of  sawmills.  A 
steamboat  is  plying  on  the  Brazos  River,  and  the  ar- 
rival of  two  more  is  expected,  one  for  the  Neches 
and  the  other  for  the  Trinity. 

The  amount  of  the  whole  trade  of  Texas  for  the 
year  1834  may  be  estimated  at  1,400,000  dollars. 

Money  is  very  scarce  in  Texas;  not  one  in  ten  sales 
is  made  for  cash.  Purchases  are  made  on  credit 
or  by  barter,1  which  gives  the  country,  in  its  trading 
relations,  the  appearance  of  a continued  fair.  Trade 
is  daily  increasing  owing  to  the  large  crops  of  cotton, 
and  the  internal  consumption,  caused  by  the  influx  of 
emigrants  from  the  United  States. 

1.  Into  what  three  departments  or  districts  was  Texas  divided 
before  the  revolution?  2.  What  was  the  population  of  the  De- 
partment of  Bexar  in  1834?  3.  Were  the  people  of  Bexar  (San 

*See  page  129. 


HARD  TIMES  IN  TEXAS 


149 


Antonio)  wealthy?  4.  About  what  was  the  price  of  cattle? 
How  does  this  compare  with  the  price  of  cattle  to-day?  5.  Why 
were  horses  so  cheap  ? 6.  How  many  public  schools  were  there  in 

Texas  in  1834?  Were  they  well  attended?  Were  there  any  pri- 
vate schools?  7.  How  many  Mexicans  were  there  in  the 
Department  of  Bexar?  How  many  negroes?  8.  What  was 
the  population  of  the  Department  of  the  Brazos  in  1834? 
Of  the  Department  of  Nacogdoches  ? 9.  How  many  negroes 

were  there  in  the  two  Departments?  10.  What  did  the  farmers 
raise  in  these  two  Departments?  11.  Where  did  they  sell  their 
crops?  12.  What  else  did  they  sell  besides  their  crops?  13. 
Since  there  was  so  little  money  in  the  country,  how  did  the  peo- 
ple trade  with  each  other?  14.  Were  there  any  cotton  gins  in 
Texas  in  1834?  Any  saw-mills?  In  what  part  of  Texas  were 
they? 


40.  Hard  Times  Before  the  Revolution1 

By  Capt.  Jesse  Burn  am  (Before  1835) 

In  my  twenty-second  year  I went  into  the  war  of 
1812.  John  Hutcheson  was  my  captain  and  Col. 
John  Coffee  commanded  the  brigade.  During  this 
campaign  I contracted  a disease,  and  the  physicians 
advised  me  to  seek  a warmer  climate. 

I started  with  nine  families,  besides  my  own,  and 
settled  on  Red  River,  at  Pecan  Point.  From  there 
I went  to  the  interior  of  Texas,  stopping  for  a few 
months  where  Independence  now  is.  I had  three 
horses,  and  brought  what  I could  on  them,'  my  wife 
bringing  her  spinning  wheel  and  weaving  apparatus. 

We  got  out  of  bread  before  we  stopped.  Being 
too  feeble  to  hunt,  I employed  an  old  man  to  keep 

1From  the  Quarterly  of  the  Texas  State  Historical  Association, 
V,  12-14. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  61-69,  77-81;  Garrison,  145. 


Why  I came 
to  Texas. 


Moving  on 
horseback. 


150  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


Hungry 
and  too 
to  hunt. 


My  first 
Indian. 


me  in  meat.  I had  fixed  up  a camp,  so  that  my  fam- 
ily could  be  comfortable.  My  man  failed  to  kill  a 
deer,  and  we  were  out  of  food  for  two  days.  At  last 
I heard  one  of  my  children  say,  “I  am  so  hungry.” 
I had  been  lying  there  hoping  to  hear  the  old  man’s 
gun.  I was  too  feeble  to  hunt,  but  I got  up  and  be- 
gan to  fix  my  gun  slowly.  I listened  all  the  time  for 


A Block-house 


the  Old  man’s  gun.  I didn’t  feel  as  though  I could 
walk,  but  I started  on  my  first  hunt.  I had  not  gone 
far  when  I saw  two  deer,  a fawn  and  its  mother.  I 
shot  the  fawn  first,  knowing  the  doe  would  not  run 
far,  then  I shot  and  killed  her.  “O  ho!”  said  I, 
“two  deer  in  one  day,  and  my  first  hunt !”  I took  the 
fawn  to  camp  to  my  hungry  children,  and  took  Wil- 
liam, my  oldest  boy,  and  a horse  after  the  doe.  My 
wife  had  dressed  a skin  and  made  William  a shirt, 
but  it  lacked  one  sleeve,  so  she  dressed  the  fawn  skin 
that  day  and  made  the  other  sleeve. 

It  was  while  camped  at  Independence  that  I saw 
my  first  Indian.  I went  out  to  kill  a deer  and  had 


HARD  TIMES  IN  TEXAS 


151 


killed  one  and  was  butchering  it,  when  an  Indian  came 
up  and  wanted  to  take  it  from  me.  1 would  not  let 
him  have  it,  but  got  it  on  my  back  the  best  I could 
and  started  for  camp.  The  Indian  began  to  yell,  I sup- 
pose for  help,  but  I would  have  died  rather  than  give 
the  deer  up.  I thought  if  there  was  only  one  I would 
put  my  knife  in  him  and  save  my  gun  for  another. 
I walked  along  as  fast  as  I could,  he  pulling  at  the 
deer  and  making  signs  that  he  wanted  it  on  his  back. 
I could  not  put  it  down  to  rest,  so  I walked  into  a 
gully  and  rested  it  on  a bank,  the  Indian  all  the  time 
making  frightful  threats  and  grimaces.  When  I got 
to  camp  it  was  full  of  Indians,  and  every  one  had  been 
dividing  meat  with  them.  I told  them  I would  not 
give  them  a piece  to  save  my  life,  and  if  that  Indian 
came  about  me  Td  kill  him. 

I stayed  in  that  camp  four  or  five  months,  and  then 
moved  down  on  the  Colorado  to  what  is  now  the  John 
Holman  plantation.  All  the  colony  had  moved  fur- 
ther down,  so  it  was  the  highest  up  on  the  river  of  any 
of  the  settlements,  and  most  exposed  to  Indians.  All 
my  neighbors  moved  down  for  protection,  and  at  last 
I had  to  go,  but  did  not  stay  long.  I went  back  and 
built  me  a blockhouse  to  fight  from. 

We  were  still  out  of  bread,  and  it  had  been  nine 
months  since  we  had  seen  any.  A man  from  lower 
down  the  country  came  up  and  told  me  that  he  had 
corn  that  he  had  planted  with  a stick.  There  were 


Building  a 
blockhouse. 


Nine  months 

without 

bread. 


Wagon 

wheels. 


Honey  jars. 


A buck- 
skin dress. 


Good 

shooting. 


152  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 

no  hoes  nor  plows  in  the  colony.1  I gave  him  a horse 
for  twenty  bushels  and  went  sixty  miles  after  it  with 
two  horses,  and  brought  eight  bushels  back.  I walked 
and  led  my  horse.  I had  prepared  a mortar  before  I 
left  home  to  beat  it  in,  and  a sieve  made  of  deer  skin 
stretched  over  a hoop  and  with  holes  punched  in  it. 

During  the  time  I was  without  bread,  a man  who 
had  just  come  to  the  country  stayed  all  night  with  us. 
He  had  some  crackers  and  gave  the  children  some. 
My  son  took  his  out  in  the  yard,  made  him  a little 
wagon,  and  used  the  crackers  for  wheels. 

Our  honey  we  kept  in  a deer  skin,  for  we  had  no 
jars,  jugs,  nor  cans.  I would  take  the  skin  off  a deer 
whole,  except  having  to  cut  it  around  the  neck  and 
legs,  and  would  tie  the  holes  up  very  tight.  Then  I 
would  hang  it  up  by  the  forelegs,  and  we  had  quite 
a nice  can,  which  we  always  kept  pretty  well  filled. 

My  oldest  daughter’s  dresses  were  worn  out  before 
we  could  get  any  cotton  to  spin,  and  she  wore  a dress 
of  buckskin.  I never  wore  a deerskin  shirt,  though 
there  were  many  that  did.  I had  pants  and  a hunting 
shirt  made  of  deerskin.  My  wife  colored  the  skin 
brown  and  fringed  the  hunting  shirt,  and  it  was  con- 
sidered the  nicest  suit  in  the  colony. 

At  one  time  while  in  camp  at  Independence  I had 
but  six  loads  of  powder.  A traveler  stopped  at  my 

Captain  Burnam  was  speaking  here,  of  course,  of  the  little 
settlement  to  which  he  belonged,  and  not  of  all  Texas. 


RUNNING  THE  BLOCKADE  153 

camp,  and  I asked  him  if  he  had  any.  He  said  he 
had.  I had  a Mexican  dollar  that  Colonel  Groce  gave 
to  one  of  the  children  for  dried  buffalo  meat.  I gave 
it  to  the  traveler  and  told  him  to  give  me  as  much 
as  he  could,  for  I was  nearly  out  and  did  not  know 
where  to  get  any.  He  asked  for  a tea  cup  and  filled 
it  about  two-thirds  full.  At  one  time  I had  twelve 
loads  and  killed  eleven  deer  with  them. 

1.  Why  did  Captain  Burnam  come  to  Texas?  2.  How  did  he 
move,  and  what  did  he  bring  with  him?  3.  How  did  the  colo- 
nists often  grind  their  corn?  4.  WTiat  did  they  use  for  jugs 
and  jars?  5.  Of  what  did  they  sometimes  make  their  clothes? 

6.  Study  the  picture  given  here,  and  describe  a block  house. 

7.  Do  you  think  Captain  Burnam  was  very  careful  in  his  state- 
ments ? 


41.  Running  the  Blockade  at  Velasco1 

By  P.  E.  Peareson  (1832) 

Velasco  was  the  Boston  Harbor  of  the  Texas  Rev- 
olution, and  the  scene  of  the  first  chapter  in  its.  his- 
tory. There,  too,  taxes  and  duties,  unjustly  de- 
manded by  the  government,  were  the  cause  of  the 
disturbance. 

In  1832  Velasco  was  a Mexican  post,  garrisoned 
by  nearly  two  hundred  and  fifty  men.  There  were  at 
that  time  several  vessels  trading  between  Velasco  and 
New  Orleans,  exporting  home  products  and  bringing 
in  supplies  to  barter  for  Mexican  bars  of  silver  and 

1From  the  Quarterly  of  the  Texas  State  Historical  Association, 
IV,  33-36. 


The  Boston 
Harbor  of 
Texas. 


Levying 

duties. 


• 154  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


other  articles.  Among  these  vessels  was  the  Sabine , 
which  carried  out  the  first  cotton  ever  raised  in  Gulf 
Prairie.  It  was  owned  by  Edwin  Waller,  then  a 
young  man,  a native  of  Virginia.  Up  to  this  year 
no  duties  or  customs  had  been  demanded  by  govern- 
ment officials  from  persons  engaged  in  this  trade,  but 
it  came  to  their  ears  that  the  commerce  was  becoming 
profitable,  and  the  commander  of  the  Velasco  fort 
notified  the  captain  of  the  Sabine , Jerry  Brown, 
that  he  must  pay  certain  duties,  and  procure  a clear- 
ance1 for  his  vessel  from  Colonel  Bradburn,  then 
commanding  at  An'ahuac,  before  he  would  be  allowed 
to  sail. 

Running  the  This  was  demanding  impossibilities,  as  there  was 

blockade.  ... 

no  land  communication  with  Anahuac,  and  this  order 
prevented  intercourse  by  water.  Captain  Brown  re- 
ported the  facts  to  Edwin  Waller,  the  vessel’s  owner, 
who,  in  company  with  Wm.  H.  Wharton,  visited  the 
commanding  officer,  and  offered  to  pay  him  a duty  of 
fifty  dollars.  The  official  demanded  one  hundred 
dollars,  and  this  Mr.  Waller  refused.  He  persuaded 
Captain  Brown  to  agree  to  “run  the  blockade.” 

This  was  accordingly  done,  and  the  first  “overt 
act”  of  resistance  to  Mexican  authority  was  committed 
by  Mr.  Waller’s  vessel  sailing  boldly  past  the  nose  of 
the  fort,  outward  bound. 


*A  clearance  is  a certificate  given  by  the  collector  of  a port, 
stating  that  a ship  has  paid  all  dues. 


RUNNING  THE  BLOCKADE 


155 


The  sight  of  this  daring  violation  of  his  orders 
excited  the  Mexican  commander  to  action.  Forming 
his  garrison  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  he  opened  a 
fusilade  upon  the  defiant  craft,  which  did  damage  only 
to  her  rigging.  Inspired  by  this  sight,  another  vessel 
lying  higher  up  the  river,  and  commanded  by  Captain 
Fuller,  set  sail  to  follow  in  the  wake  of  the  Sabine , 
which,  now  being  out  of  range  of  small  arms,  was 
seen  crowded  with  passengers  on  deck,  huzzaing  and 
shouting  in  derision  and  triumph.  This  so  inflamed 
the  Mexicans  that  they  turned  on  Captain  Fuller’s 
vessel,  and  opened  on  her  a heavy  fire.  Before  the 
vessel  passed  out  of  range  a shot  from  the  Mexicans 
struck  the  tiller  held  by  Captain  Fuller,  wounding 
him.  He  immediately  called  for  his  rifle,  intending 
to  return  the  salute,  when  a young  man,  Spencer  Jack, 
asked  leave  to  fire  the  gun,  and  did  so  with  good 
effect.  He  wounded  a Mexican  in  the  thigh.  This 
worthy  set  up  such  a howl  of  pain  and  fright  that  his 
comrades  ceased  firing  and  gathered  in  disorder 
around  him.  Under  this  diversion  Captain  Fuller 
sailed  quietly  on  his  victorious  way. 

The  ball  being  extracted  from  the  limb  of  the  fallen 
hero  by  an  American,  and  the  wound  proving  slight, 
the  warlike  ardor  of  the  Mexicans  revived,  and  they 
at  once  arrested,  as  the  originators  of  this  bold  dis- 
obedience, Colonel  Wharton  and  Edwin  Waller,  and 
conducted  them  as  prisoners  inside  the  fort.  Col- 


The  resist- 
ance of  the 
Mexicans. 


The  Mexi- 
cans take 
some 
prisoners. 


156  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


The  first 
shot. 


A good 
American. 


onel  Wharton,  with  characteristic  sagacity  and  talent, 
soon  argued  himself  out  of  limbo;  but  Mr.  Waller 
proving  more  obstinate,  the  insulted  commander  sen- 
tenced  him  to  be  sent  to  Matamoras,  to  be  tried  by 
the  authorities  there.  But,  finally,  after  much  trou- 
ble, and  principally  through  the  aid  of  Colonel  Whar- 
ton, many  good  promises  being  exacted,  Mr.  Waller 
was  reluctantly  released,  and  a hollow  truce  prevailed 
for  a season. 

This  occurrence  was  really  the  spark  which  fired 
the  train  of  revolution.  The  first  gun  sounded  when 
young  Jack  fired  and  wounded  the  Mexican  soldier. 

1.  To  what  place  famous  in  the  American  Revolution  does 
Mr.  Waller  compare  Velasco?  2.  How  was  Velasco  fortified  in 
1832?  3.  What  articles  were  traded  in  between  New  Orleans 

and  Velasco?  4.  Who  owned  the  Sabine?  5.  Who  was  its  cap- 
tain? 6.  Who  was  commander  at  Anahuac?  7.  Was  the  act 
of  the  Sabine  lawful?  8.  Describe  the  way  in  which  the  two 
vessels  went  by  the  garrison.  9.  What  was  done  with  Mr. 
Wharton  and  Mr.  Waller? 


42.  A Lonely  Fourth  of  July 

• By  Ben  R.  Milam  (1835) 

When  this  letter1  was  written  Milam  was  in  prison  in  Mexico. 
He  escaped  in  time  to  reach  Texas  at  the  beginning  of  the  revo- 
lution. He  was  killed  December  7,  1835,  while  leading  the  as- 
sault on  San  Antonio. 


Punto  Lampasos,  July  5,  1835. 
Dear  Johnson:  I hope  you  spent  the  4th  of  July 

pleasantly  with  your  friends  who  feel  some  reverence 

Trom  the  Austin  Papers,  at  The  University  of  Texas. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  122-123,  128-130. 


A LONELY  FOURTH  OF  JULY 


157 


for  the  day.  I can  not  say  that  I enjoyed  it.  I got 
a bottle  of  mescal 1 and  drank  to  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution in  all  parts  of  America.  I had  no  country- 
men to  join  me,  or  perhaps  I should  have  done  better. 

We  left  Monclo'va2  on  the  29th  of  May,  and  were 
taken  prisoners  on  the  5th  of  June,  at  night.  The 
troops  had  been  watching  our  march  all  the  last  day, 
and  knew  the  only  chance  we  had  to  get  water.  They 
placed  themselves  in  a position  to  take  possession  of 
our  horses  as  soon  as  it  was  dusk. 

In  this  situation  we  were  obliged  to  surrender  to 
twenty-five  men — or  savages  as  we  may  more  prop- 
erly call  them.  Captain  Galar'  and  Lieutenant  Rodri'- 
guez  commanded  the  party.  They  will  be  long  re- 
membered by  your  humble  servant. 

We  were  taken  to  San  Fernando,  and  kept  in  close 
confinement  for  one  week.  We  were  not  permitted 
to  write  or  speak  to  any  person  except  in  the  presence 
of  an  officer,  and  then  only  in  the  Spanish  language. 
From  there  we  were  taken  to  Rio  Grande,  where  we 

*A  strong  Mexican  intoxicant,  made  of  the  maguey  plant. 

2In  1833  the  Legislature  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  moved  the 
capital  of  the  State  from  Saltillo  to  Monclova.  Saltillo  objected, 
and  bad  feeling  existed  between  the  two  places  until  the  spring 
of  1835,  when  Saltillo  appealed  to  General  Cos,  commander  of 
the  eastern  district  of  Mexico.  Cos  ordered  the  capital  re- 
established at  Saltillo,  and  Governor  Viesca,  to  prevent  this, 
decided  to  flee  to  Texas  and  fix  the  capital  temporarily  at  San 
Antonio.  Colonel  Milam  and  some  of  the  State  officials  accom- 
panied him.  After  they  were  captured  Cos  declared  Viesca  de- 
posed and  placed  a military  governor  over  Coahuila  and  Texas. 
This  was  one  of  the  causes  which  helped  to  bring  on  the  revo- 
lution. 


Captured  by 
Mexicans. 


Barba- 

rians. 


In  prison. 


158  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIZATION 


Mexican 

plans 

against 

Texas. 


were  treated  somewhat  better.  From  Rio  Grande  we 
were  brought  to  this  place.  At  present  we  are  under 
the  charge  of  Colonel  Alta'pa,  who  is  a gentleman, 
and  gives  us  every  indulgence  we  ask  for.  From 
here  we  expect  to  be  sent  to  Monterey  to  stand  our 
trial.  I hope  to  be  set  at  liberty.  But  all  is  uncer- 
tainty. 

In  the  last  ten  days  two  hundred  troops  have  left 
this  quarter  for  San  Antonio,  and  from  the  best 
information  I can  collect  two  thousand  more  will 
be  on  their  march  in  a few  weeks.  Their  intention 
is  to  gain  the  friendship  of  the  different  tribes  of  In- 
dians, and  if  possible  to  get  the  slaves  to  revolt.  These 
plans  of  barbarity  and  injustice  will  make  a wilder- 
ness of  Texas,  and  beggars  of  its  inhabitants,  if  they 
do  not  unite  and  act  with  promptness  and  decision. 
The  people  of  Texas  will  never  submit  to  a dictator. 

Yours, 

B.  R.  Milam. 

1.  Tell  what  you  know  of  Colonel  Milam.  2.  From  whom 
did  the  Mexicans  expect  to  get  help  in  fighting  the  Texans?  3. 
What  did  Milam  think  the  Texans  must  do  to  drive  the  Mexicans 
back? 


PART  IV 
THE  REVOLUTION 


43.  The  Texan  Marseillaise 

Writer  Unknown  (March,  1836) 

These  lines  were  written  by  a gentleman  near  Columbia, 
receiving  Travis’s  call  from  the  Alamo.1 

Texians,  to  your  banner  fly, 

Texians,  now  your  valor  try, 

Listen  to  your  country’s  cry; 

Onward  to  the  field. 

Armed  in  perfect  panoply, 

Marshaled  well  our  ranks  must  be: 

Strike  the  blow  for  liberty, 

Make  the  tyrant  yield. 

Who  is  he  that  fears  his  power? 

Who  is  he  that  dreads  the  hour? 

Who  is  he  would  basely  cower? 

Let  him  flee  for  life. 

Who  is  he  that  ready  stands 
To  fight  for  Texas  and  her  lands? 

Him  his  country  now  commands, 
Onward,  to  the  strife. 

Small  in  number  is  our  host. 

But  our  cause  is  nobly  just: 

God  of  battles  is  our  trust 
In  the  dread  affray. 

1From  the  Telegraph  and  Texas  Register,  August  9,  1830. 
Read:  Pennvbaeker,  137;  Garrison.  206-209. 


Sam  Houston 


THE  CALL  TO  ARMS 


161 


44.  The  Call  to  Arms 

ARM,  ARM;  AND  OUT1 
NOTICE 

The  first  skirmish  between  the  Texans  and  the  Mexicans  oc- 
curred on  October  2,  1835.  The  Mexicans  had  come  to  Gonzales 
demanding  a cannon  that  the  colonists  had.  It  was  refused  and 
the  Mexicans  were  driven  back  to  San  Antonio.  It  was 
expected,  however,  that  they  would  return  immediately  with 
reinforcements,  and  Wharton  was  trying  to  collect  a force  strong 
enough  to  check  them  again. 

I am  just  now  leaving  for  the  camp  at  Gonzales. 
All  who  are  backward  or  refuse  to  go  without  the  best 
excuse  in  the  world  will,  in  the  remorse  and  bitter- 


A Cannon  of  the  Revolution 


ness  of  soul,  say  to  themselves,  in  after  times,  the  gal- 
lant have  fallen  in  vain ! My  countrymen  and  friends 
have  won  immortal  renown — or  have  bled  and  fallen 

^his  proclamation  is  taken  from  a circular  in  the  Austin  Pa- 
pers, at  The  University  of  Texas. 

Read:  Pennybaeker,  120-121;  Garrison,  191. 

11 


162 


TEE  REVOLUTION 


fighting  my  battles,  and  fighting  for  the  great  prin- 
ciple of  human  liberty,  and  I was  not  there.  Let  all 
who  wish  to  avoid  this  heart-rending  reflection 
march  immediately  to  the  camp  at  Gonzales.  Every 
person  who  can  not  go  himself,  and  who  withholds 
a horse  or  gun  from  those  willing  to  go  will  be  con- 
sidered a traitor  to  his  country  and  therefore  infam- 
ous. Let  no  one,  however,  stop  for  want  of  a horse ; 
soldiers  who  are  in  earnest  have  often  marched  on 
foot  ten  times  as  far  as  from  here  to  San  Antonia 

William  H.  Wharton, 
Agent  for  the  Volunteers. 

Brazoria,  October  5,  1835. 

$5000 

Will  be  paid  to  the  individual  who  kills  or  takes 
prisoner  General  Martin  Perfecto  de  Cos,  and  $500 
will  be  paid  for  the  arrest  and  detention  in  close  cus- 
tody of  John  A.  Williams,  who,  by  the  most  infamous 
lying  and  by  the  production  of  forged  letters  from 
Santa  Anna  and  Cos,  prevented  sixty-six  volunteers 
from  joining  their  countrymen  at  Gonzales. 

Volunteers. 

Brazoria,  October  5,  1835. 

1.  State  the  causes  of  the  battle  of  Gonzales.  2.  Why,  in 
the  opinion  of  Wharton,  should  all  Texans  join  the  army?  3.  If 
a man  could  not  go  himself,  how  could  he  help  others?  4.  Why 
did  Wharton  want  to  arrest  John  A.  Williams. 


THE  NEW  YANKEE  DOODLE 


163 


45.  The  New  Yankee  Doodle 

By  H.  K.  [Writer  Unknown]  (1835) 

This  doggerel  was  written  by  a Texan  sympathizer  in  New 

Orleans,  and  was  published  there,  October  19,  1835.1 

Santa  Anna  did  a notion  take  that  he  must  rule  the 
land,  sir, 

The  church  and  he  forthwith  agree,  to  publish  the 
command,  sir, 

In  Mexico  none  shall  be  free, 

The  people  are  too  blind  to  see, 

They  can  not  share  the  liberty 
Of  Yankee  Doodle  Dandy. 

Ye  Mexicans  henceforth  beware,  my  central  plan  at- 
tend to, 

My  shoulders  will  the  burder  Kear,  no  Yankee  shall 
offend  you, 

In  Mexico,  etc. 

Of  soldiers  now  he  stands  in  need,  but  soldiers  must 
be  paid,  sir, 

He  then  dictates  a law  with  speed,  to  seize  the  Yankee 
trade,  sir. 

In  Mexico,  etc. 

Obedient  to  their  tyrant’s  will,  his  myrmidons  com- 
ply, sir. 

The  Texans  see  along  their  coast  some  vessels  cap- 
tured nigh,  sir. 

In  Mexico,  etc. 

1From  a circular  in  the  Austin  Papers,  at  The  University  of 

Texas. 


164 


THE  REVOLUTION 


To  Vera  Cruz  they  send  each  prize,  each  unresisting 
man,  sir, 

Remonstrance,  too,  is  found  unwise,  it  makes  the  foe 
less  bland,  sir. 

In  Mexico,  etc. 

The  Texans  say  they  wont  receive  the  central  plan 
at  all,  sir, 

And  nobly  go  to  meet  the  foe  with  powder  and  with 
ball,  sir. 

In  Mexico,  etc. 

Huzza!  for  Texas  volunteers,  we  are  the  boys  so 
handy, 

We’ll  teach  the  Mexicans  to  fear  our  Yankee  Doodle 
Dandy. 

In  Mexico,  etc. 


46.  An  Appeal  to  the  Fatherland 

By  the  Council  of  Texas  (1835) 

When  the  revolution  began  Texas  was  left  without  a govern' 
ment,  and  until  one  could  be  formed  a committee  at  San  Felipe 
called  the  permanent  council,  managed  affairs.  This  address 
asking  the  people  of  the  United  States  for  help  was  issued  by 
the  council  while  the  Texan  army  was  besieging  San  Antonio.1 

San  Felipe  de  Austin, 
October  26,  1835. 
To  the  Citizens  of  the  United  States  of  the  North: 

The  general  council  of  all  Texas  have  determined  to 

'From  Niles’  Register,  XLIX,  234-235. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  120-125;  Garrison,  191-193. 


APPEAL  TO  THE  FATHERLAND 


165 


address  you  in  behalf  of  suffering  Texas,  and  to  in- 
voke your  assistance. 

Our  citizens  were  invited  to  settle  Texas  by  a gov- 
ernment having  for  its  model  that  of  the  United 
States  of  the  North.  Under  that  invitation  thou- 
sands emigrated  here,  and  have  subdued  a vast  and 
extended  wilderness  to  the  purposes  of  agriculture. 
In  place  of  the  solitary  region  inhabited  hitherto  only 
by  the  savage  and  the  beast,  they  now  present  a coun- 
try prosperous  in  the  highest  degree,  and  having  in- 
scribed on  its  face  a universal  assurance  of  its  future 
greatness  and  prosperity. 

And  now,  when  we  had  accomplished  all  this,  when 
we  had  just  fairly  established  ourselves  in  peace  and 
plenty,  just  brought  around  us  our  families  and 
friends,  the  form  of  government  under  which  we  had 
been  born  and  educated,  and  the  only  one  to  which 
we  would  have  sworn  allegiance,  is  destroyed  by  the 
usurper,  Santa  Anna,  and  a military,  central  govern- 
ment is  about  to  be  established  in  its  stead.  To  this 
new  form  of  government  the  people  of  Texas  have 
refused  to  submit. 

What  number  of  mercenary  soldiers  will  invade 
our  country  we  know  not,  but  this  much  we  do  know, 
that  the  whole  force  of  the  nation  that  can  possibly 
be  spared  will  be  sent  to  Texas,  and  we  believe  that 
we  will  have  to  fight  superior  numbers.  But  we  be- 
lieve victory  in  the  end  will  be  ours.  Only  one  sen- 


The  colo- 
nists made 
great  im- 
provements 
in  Texas. 


Santa  Anna 
has  over- 
thrown the 
govern- 
ment. 


He  will  in- 
vade Texas. 


166 


THE  REVOLUTION 


The  United 
States  must 
help  her. 


timent  animates  every  bosom,  and  every  one  is  deter- 
mined on  “victory  or  death.” 

Citizens  of  the  United  States  of  the  North, — we  are 
but  one  people ! Our  fathers,  side  by  side,  fought  the 
battles  of  the  Revolution.  We,  side  by  side,  fought  the 
battles  of  1812  and  1815.  We  were  born  under  the 


James  Bowie 


same  government,  taught  the  same  political  creed,  and 
we  have  wandered  where  danger  and  tyranny  threaten 
us.  You  are  united  to  us  by  all  the  sacred  ties  that 
can  bind  one  people  to  another.  You  are,  many  of 
you,  our  fathers  and  brothers — among  you  dwell  our 


APPEAL  TO  THE  FATHERLAND 


167 


sisters  and  mothers — we  are  alien  to  you  only  in  coun- 
try. Our  principles,  both  moral  and  political,  are  the 
same ; our  interest  is  one,  and  we  require  and  ask  your 
aid,  appealing  to  your  patriotism  and  generosity. 

We  invite  you  to  our  country.  We  have  land  in 
abundance,  and  it  shall  be  liberally  bestowed  on  you. 
We  have  the  finest  country  on  the  face  of  the  globe. 
We  invite  you  to  enjoy  it  with  us,  and  we  pledge  to 
you  that  every  volunteer  in  our  cause  shall  be  not  only 
justly  but  generously  rewarded. 

The  cause  of  Texas  is  plainly  marked  out.  She  will 
drive  every  Mexican  soldier  beyond  her  limits,  or  the 
people  of  Texas  will  leave  before  San  Antonio  the 
bones  of  their  bodies.  We  will  secure  on  a firm  and 
solid  basis  our  constitutional  rights  and  privileges,  or 
we  will  leave  Texas  a howling  wilderness.  We  know 
that  right  is  on  our  side,  and  we  are  now  marching  to 
the  field  of  battle,  reiterating  our  fathers’  motto,  “to 
live  free  or  die.” 

R.  R.  Royall,  President. 

A.  Houston,  Secretary. 


1.  What  sort  of  government  did  Mexico  promise  those  who 
came  to  Texas?  2.  Why  did  the  Texans  object  to  the  change 
made  by  Santa  Anna?  3.  What  reasons  did  the  council  give 
for  asking  aid  from  the  United  States?  4.  How  did  they  prom- 
ise to  reward  those  who  joined  the  Texans?  5.  What  was  the 
permanent  council?  6.  Where  was  it  in  session  when  this  ap- 
peal was  made? 


She  can 
reward  her 
friends. 


Texans  will 
“live  free 
or  die.” 


168 


THE  REVOLUTION 


A young 
soldier. 


The  Texans 
get  a 
cannon. 


The  can- 
nonade. 


47.  An  Heroic  Deed 

By  J.  H.  Kuykendall  (December,  1835) 

This  story1  was  written  by  Mr.  Kuykendall  in  1858.  It  was 
told  to  him  by  one  who  saw  the  brave  deed  performed. 

About  the  last  of  September,  1835,  John  Ingram 
joined  the  colonial  forces  at  Gonzales,  and  was  in  the 
skirmish  with  the  Mexican  troops  near  that  place.  He 
continued  in  the  service  until  after  the  reduction  of 
San  Antonio,  in  which  he  fully  participated.  During 
the  siege  of  this  town  he  performed  a feat  of  heroism 
which  is  worthy  of  record. 

After  the  investment  of  the  place  had  continued 
some  time,  a twelve-pounder  cannon  was  received  by 
the  Texians,  by  means  of  which  it  was  hoped  some 
impression  could  be  made  on  the  Mexican  strong- 
hold— the  Alamo. 

The  Texians,  favored  by  a dark  night,  opened  an 
entrenchment  on  the  right  side  of  the  river,  within 
four  or  five  hundred  yards  of  the  Alamo,  and  at  day- 
light the  next  morning  the  twelve-pounder,  supported 
by  Captain  Goheen’s  company,  to  which  Ingram  be- 
longed, began  to  thunder.  The  Mexicans  were  not 
slow  to  reply,  but  in  a short  time  the  fire  on  both  sides 
slackened  in  consequence  of  a dense  fog  which  com- 
pletely concealed  every  object  beyond  the  distance  of 
a few  yards. 

1From  the  Quarterly  of  the  Texas  State  Historical  Association, 
VI,  329-330. 


AN  HEROIC  DEED 


169 


After  the  fog  dissolved,  the  cannonade  on  both  sides 
was  renewed.  At  length  the  artillerymen  of  the 
twelve-pounder  announced  that  their  powder  was  ex- 
hausted. It  was  immediately  asked,  “Who  will  go 
to  the  camp  for  powder?”  Without  a moment’s  hesi- 
tation Ingram  volunteered  for  the  perilous  service. 
The  Texian  camp  was  about  half  a mile  from  the  bat- 
tery. Ingram  leaped  out  of  the  ditch  and  ran. 

Five  field  pieces  were  bearing  on  him  from  the  walls 
of  the  Alamo,  and  a thousand  infantry  were  marshaled 
outside  the  walls  within  easy  mus- 
ket range  of  the  intrepid  messen- 
ger. His  course  for  four  hundred 
yards  was  over  an  open  field  be- 
fore he  could  gain  the  cover  of 
the  mill-race  which  led  to  the 
camp.  Simultaneously  the  five 
cannon  hurled  at  him  their  iron 
missiles.  At  the  next  instant  a 
thousand  muskets  poured  a leaden 
shower  around  him — still  Ingram 
sped  onward.  Again,  and  yet 
again,  a thousand  muskets  roared 
in  one  platoon — but  Ingram  is 
still  unscathed  and  safe  within  the  mill-race. 

He  paused  not  until  he  reached  the  quartermaster’s 
tent,  where,  seizing  a keg  of  powder  and  placing  it 
on  his  shoulder,  he  left  as  he  arrived — running.  The 


Old  Alamo  Monument 


Out  of  am- 
munition. 


A daring 
dash  to 
camp. 


The  return 
with  a keg 
of  powder. 


170 


THE  REVOLUTION 


Crockett 
comes  to 
help  Texas. 


A shooting 
match. 


same  perils  awaited  him  on  his  return.  Three  swarms 
of  iron  and  leaden  balls  again  swept  the  plain  around 
him,  but  he  seemed  to  bear  a charmed  life,  for  he  en- 
tered the  entrenchment  untouched  amid  the  huzzahs 
and  congratulations  of  his  fellow  soldiers. 

1.  To  what  siege  of  San  Antonio  does  this  account  refer? 
2.  Do  you  suppose  this  description  is  exaggerated? 


48.  Davy  Crockett 

By  John  M.  Swisher  (1836) 

The  following  account  was  written  from  memory  in  1879.1 

In  January,  1836,  David  Crockett,  who  had  just 
left  Tennessee,  came  to  Texas  for  the  purpose  of 
assisting  the  struggling  patriots.  While  on  his  way 
to  the  Alamo  he  stopped  at  the  Swisher  residence,  at 
Gay  Hill,  to  rest  after  his  long  journey  before  be- 
ginning his  duties  as  a soldier. 

It  happened  that  on  the  day  that  Colonel  Crockett 
arrived  I had  been  out  hunting  with  a party  of  friends. 
I had  killed  my  second,  and,  I believe,  my  last  deer, 
which  I tied  behind  my  saddle.  I reached  home  with 
it  about  nightfall.  Colonel  Crockett  surprised  me  by 
coming  out  and  assisting  me  in  taking  it  down  from 
the  horse.  He  complimented  me  highly  by  calling  me 
his  young  hunter,  and  bantering  me  to  a shooting 
match.  I accepted  this  proposition,  since  he  offered 


'From  The  American  Sketch  Book , V,  136-140. 


DAVY  CROCKETT 


171 


to  shoot  off  hand  and  give  me  a rest.  My  pride 
swelled  at  once.  I would  not  have  changed  places 
with  the  President  himself.  We  tried  our  skill  with 
the  rifle  every  day  he  remained  with  us. 

His  rifle  I well  remember.  It  was  ornamented  with  “Bessie.” 
a silver  plate  set  into  the  stock,  upon  which  was  en- 
graved “David  Crockett.”  He  called  it  “Bessie.” 

At  the  time  I saw  Colonel  Crockett,  I judge  him  to  ^r°0^kett 
have  been  forty  years  old.1  He  was  stout  and  mus-  looked, 
cular,  about  six  feet  in  height,  and  weighed  from  one 
hundred  and  eighty  to  two  hundred  pounds.  He  was 
of  a florid  complexion,  with  intelligent  gray  eyes.  He 
had  small  side-whiskers,  inclining  to  sandy.  His 
countenance,  although  firm  and  determined,  wore  a 
pleasant  expression.  He  was  fond  of  talking,  and 
had  an  ease  and  grace  about  him  that  rendered  him 
irresistible.  During  his  stay  at  my  father’s  it  was  a 
rare  occurrence  for  any  of  us  to  get  to  bed  before 
twelve  or  one  o’clock.  He  told  us  a great  many  anec- 
dotes. Many  of  them  were  commonplace  and 
amounted  to  nothing  in  themselves,  but  his  inimitable 
way  of  telling  them  would  convulse  one  with  laughter. 

I shall  never  forget  the  day  he  left  us  for  San  An-  d*Par' 

' ture  for  the 

tonio.  We  watched  him  as  he  rode  away  by  the  side  Alamo, 
of  his  young  traveling  companion  (B.  A.  M.  Smith) 
with  feelings  of  admiration  and  regret.  We  little 

*He  was  born  August  17,  1786,  and  was  at  this  time  nearly 
fifty  years  old. 


172 


THE  REVOLUTION 


His  bravery. 


He  died 
for  Texas. 


thought  how  soon  he  was  to  perish — a martyr  to  the 
cause  of  liberty. 

What  Texan  does  not  remember  the  bravery  of  that 
great  soul  at  the  massacre  of  the  Alamo,  when  a few 
patriots,  surrounded  by  thousands  of  the  enemy,  slew 
ten  times  their  number  before  they  yielded  up  their 
lives?  Crockett  is  reported  to  have  been  standing 
calmly,  proudly  erect,  with  his  clubbed  rifle  in  his 
hand,  dealing  death  to  the  foe  with  unerring  aim. 

And  there  he  fell — the  brave  man  who  sacrificed 
himself  on  the  altar  of  Texas  liberty.  And  there  his 
body,  with  those  of  the  other  martyrs,  was  burned,  and 
his  ashes  scattered  to  the  four  winds  of  heaven. 


1.  Write  a sketch  of  David  Crockett.  2.  Describe  him  as  he 
looked  when  he  came  to  Texas.  3.  Why  should  Texans  always 
honor-  his  memory?  4.  How  has  the  State  commemorated  his 
name  ? • 5.  Do  you  think  that  this  account  is  thoroughly  reli- 
able? Give  reasons  for  your  answer.  6.  How  long  after  the 
author  saw  Crockett  was  it  written? 


49.  I Shall  Never  Surrender  or  Retreat 

By  William  Barret  Travis 

Travis’s  original  letter  from  which  this  is  copied  is  preserved 
in  the  State  Library  at  Austin.  On  pages  174-175  is  a facsimile 
of  the  letter,  reduced  to  about  one-fourth  the  size  of  the  original.1 

COMMANDANCY  OF  THE  ALAMO, 

Be  jar,  Feb’y  24th,  1836. 

To  the  People  of  Texas  and  all  Americans  in  the 
World. 

Fellow  Citizens  and  Compatriots — I am  be- 
head: Pennybacker,  136-146;  Garrison,  204-209. 


NEVER  SURRENDER  OR  RETREAT  173 


sieged,  by  a thousand  or  more  of  the  Mexicans  under  ^sieged 
Santa  Anna.  I have  sustained  a continual  Bombard-  Mexicans, 
ment  and  cannonade  for  24  hours  and  have  not  lost 
a man.  The  enemy  has  demanded  a surrender  at  dis- 
cretion, otherwise,  the  garrison  are  to  be  put  to  the 
sword,  if  the  fort  is  taken.  I have  answered  the  de- 
mand with  a cannon  shot,  and  our  flag  still  waves 
proudly  from  the  walls.  I shall  never  surrender  or 
retreat.  Then,  I call  on  you  in  the  name  of  Liberty, 
of  patriotism  and  everything  dear  to  the  American 
character,  to  come  to  our  aid  with  all  dispatch.  The 
enemy  is  receiving  reinforcements  daily  and  will  no 
doubt  increase  to  three  or  four  thousand  in  four  or 
five  days.  If  this  call  is  neglected,  I am  determined  Jrlc^ath! 
to  sustain  myself  as  long  as  possible  and  die  like  a 
soldier  who  never  forgets  what  is  due  to  his  own  honor 
and  that  of  his  country.  Victory  or  death. 

William  Barret  Travis, 

Lt.  Col.  comdt. 

P.  S.  The  Lord  is  on  our  side.  When  the  enemy  ti^^ord. 
appeared  in  sight  we  had  not  three  bushels  of  corn. 

We  have  since  found  in  deserted  houses  80  or  90 
bushels  and  got  into  the  walls  20  or  30  head  of  Beeves. 

Travis. 

1.  How  many  men  did  Santa  Anna  have  when  he  began  to 
besiege  the  Alamo?  2.  On  what  terms  did  he  want  the  Texans 
to  surrender?  3.  Why  did  Travis  not  surrender?  4.  Why  did 
Travis  think  the  Lord  was  on  his  side?  5.  Did  Travis  receive 
any  reinforcements  from  the  Texans?  6.  What  do  you  think  of 
Colonel  Travis? 


[Faeaimitr  eftXt  Trent  Itlltr  I 


S?«£r~s 


^7~ 

'PX.t&C^T  — 

2,^4:  ^TZrruf>~*^ 

■JZ&.  ^ 


4P&22£. 


_ 

2~<r  4?C0-c^'c~  ^~ 

•ytiz,  °^' 

</—  /&£*->  *— 
> .^y^s-  '”***'  « 


^ ~^Ce  'x^£zs<^  ^u>  0~>X-.  crt*s^-  <Zh~c2>— 

jzz,  — ^ ‘^r^ji'<^T 

1 1.^^— - 
^ w> 


Travis’s  Bible 


176 


THE  REVOLUTION 


50.  The  Texian  Hunter 

By  Captain  R.  M.  Potter 

The  old  hunter  described  in  these  lines1  seems  to  have  been 
Captain  Albert  Martin,  of  Gonzales — at  least  it  was  he  that  led 
the  reinforcements  into  the  Alamo  just  before  it  fell.  His  char- 
acter is  typical  of  the  early  frontiersman. 

Where  murmurs  Guadalupe’s  stream 
Along  its  rocky  bed, 

Embowered  in  a live  oak  grove 
There  stands  a lowly  shed, 

All  mossy  grown,  for  cold  has  been 
Its  hearth  for  many  a year. 

God  rest  his  soul  who  once  abode 
Within  that  cabin  drear; 

A brave  old  Texian  hunter  he, 

All  of  the  prairies  wild. 

A lonely,  strange,  untaught  old  man, 

No  care  nor  fear  he  knew, 

So  happy  in  his  solitude, 

So  guileless,  kind,  and  true; 

With  a heart  that,  like  his  rifle  good, 

Ne’er  wavered  in  its  aim, 

In  weal  and  woe,  to  friend  or  foe, 

Its  truth  was  aye  the  same; 

For  a fine  old  Texian  hunter  bold 
Was  he  who  roamed  the  wild. 

1From  the  Telegraph  and  Texas-  Register,  November  30,  1842. 


THE  TEXIAN  HUNTER 


177 


He  seldom  sought  the  busy  scene 
Where  men  together  dwelt, 

Yet  kindly  towards  his  fellow  man 
This  mateless  woodman  felt. 

His  iron  visage  smiled,  and  well 
The  Arab  host  he  play’d, 

Whenever  to  his  green-wood  home 
A wand’ring  footstep  stray’d, 

Like  a good  old  Texian  hunter  bold, 

All  of  the  prairies  wild. 

When  ruffian  war  dismay’d  the  land, 

In  freedom’s  darkest  hour, 

Up  rose  this  single  hearted  man 
To  brave  the  invader’s  power, 

And  sought  those  batter’d  ramparts  where 
A fated  few  opposed, 

With  fierce  despair,  the  pending  shock 
Of  legions  round  them  closed; 

And  the  stout  old  Texian  hunter  burn’d 
With  ardor  strange  and  wild. 

Said  he,  “Of  laws  and  governments 
I nought  can  understand; 

But  I will  fight  for  these  green  woods 
And  my  adopted  land; 

Though  I’m  a lonely  forest  man, 

Nor  kindred  round  me  know, 

12 


178 


THE  REVOLUTION 


Yet  for  my  native  tongue  and  race 
My  blood  shall  freely  flow, 

As  a true  old  Texian  hunter’s  ought 
Who  loves  his  prairies  wild.” 

One  night  while  round  the  Alamo 
Beleaguering  thousands  lay. 

With  thirty  men  he  through  them  charged. 
And  inward  won  his  way. 

Said  lie,  “I  thought  my  bones  to  lay 
Beneath  my  live  oak  tree; 

But  now  these  doom'd  walls  shall  prove 
A nobler  tomb  for  me;” 

And  the  grim  old  Texian  hunter  sighed, 
“Farewell  ye  prairies  wild.” 

At  dawn,  with  shout,  and  cannon’s  peal. 
And  charging  escalade, 

In  pour’d  the  foe,  though  rank  on  rank 
Their  bravest  low  were  laid. 

’Mid  booming  shot  and  bayonets’  clang. 
Expired  that  Spartan  few; 

And  there  an  hundred,  ere  they  sank, 

A thousand  foemen  slew. 

There  the  tough  old  Texian  hunter  died 
No  more  to  roam  the  wild. 

But  in  the  Elysian  hunting  grounds 
He  dwells  among  the  brave 


SEVER  GIVE  UP  THE  SHIP 


179 


Souls  of  the  free  of  every  age 
Who  died  their  lands  to  save; 

And  thousands  here,  when  comes  the  hour, 

- A fate  like  his  will  dare; 

For  hands  and  hearts  as  stout  and  true 
Hath  Texas  yet  to  spare, 

As  the  brave  old  Texian  hunter  bore 
Upon  his  prairies  wild. 

1.  Who  was  the  invader  referred  to  in  the  fourth  stanza? 

2.  To  whom  did  the  old  hunter  carry  assistance  in  the  Alamo? 

3.  How  many  men  did  he  have  with  him?  4.  What  became  of 
them  ? 


51.  I Will  Never  Give  Up  the  Ship 

By  J.  W.  Fannin,  Jr.  (1836) 

This  letter  was  written  by  Colonel  Fannin  about  two  weeks 
before  he  was  captured  and  treacherously  murdered  by  the  Mexi- 
cans at  Goliad.1 

Goliad,  February  28,  1836. 

Mr.  Jos.  Mims: 

The  news  I gave  you  a few  days  back  is  too  true. 
The  enemy  have  the  town  of  Bexar,  with  a large 
force,  and  I fear  will  have  our  brave  countrymen  in 
the  Alamo.  Another  force  is  near  me.  It  crossed 
the  Xueces  yesterday  morning,  and  attacked  a party 
by  surprise  under  Colonel  Johnson,  and  routed  them, 
killing  Captain  Pearson  and  several  others  after  they 
had  surrendered. 

'From  Baker,  A Texas  Scrap  Book,  353. 


Mexican 

attacks. 


180 


THE  REVOLUTION 


Never 
give  up. 


My  family. 


I have  about  four  hundred  and  twenty  men  here, 
and  if  I can  get  provisions  in  to-morrow  or  next  day, 
can  maintain  myself  against  any  force.  I will  never 
give  up  the  ship  while  there  is  a pea  in  the  ditch.  If  I 
am  whipped  it  will  be  well  done,  and  you  may  never 
expect  to  see  me.  I hope  to  see  all  Texans  in  arms 
soon.  If  not,  we  shall  lose  our  homes,  and  must  go 
east  of  the  Trinity  for  awhile. 

Look  to  our  property;  save  it  for  my  family.  If 
my  family  arrive,  send  my  wife  this  letter. 

Hoping  for  the  best,  and  prepared  for  the  worst. 

Farewell, 

J.  W.  Fannin,  Jr. 

1.  Write  a sketch  of  Colonel  Fannin.  2.  How  many  men  did 
he  have  at  Goliad?  3.  Where  were  most  of  them  from?  4. 
What  became  of  them  (see  page  183)  ? 


52.  Hymn  of  the  Alamo 

By  R.  M.  Potter  (1836) 

The  author  of  this  poem1  was  a captain  in  the  United  States 
army,  who  wrote  a great  deal  about  the  history  of  Texas  during 
the  revolutionary  period. 

Rise,  man  the  wall,  our  clarion’s  blast 
Now  sounds  its  final  reveille ! 

This  dawning  morn  must  be  the  last 
Our  fated  band  shall  ever  see : 


JFrom  Dixon,  Poets  and  Poetry  of  Texas,  233. 
Head:  Pennybacker,  136-144;  Garrison,  206-209. 


HYMN  OF  THE  ALAMO 


181 


To  life,  but  not  to  hope,  farewell — 

Yon  trumpet’s  clang,  and  cannon’s  peal, 
And  storming  shout,  and  clash  of  steel, 
Are  ours,  but  not  our  country’s  knell. 
Welcome  the  Spartan’s  death — 

’Tis  no  despairing  strife — 

We  fall,  we  die,  but  our  expiring  breath 
Is  freedom’s  breath  of  life! 


The  Alamo 


Here,  on  this  new  Thermopylae, 

Our  monument  will  tower  on  high, 
And  “Alamo”  hereafter  be 

In  bloodier  fields  the  battle  cry! 
Thus  Travis  from  the  rampart  cried, 


182 


THE  REVOLUTION 


And  when  his  warriors  saw  the  foe 
Like  whelming  billows  move  below, 

At  once  each  dauntless  heart  replied, 

Welcome  the  Spartan’s  death — 

’Tis  no  despairing  strife — 

We  fall,  we  die,  but  our  expiring  breath 
Is  freedom’s  breath  of  life! 

They  come,  like  autumn  leaves  they  fall, 

Yet  hordes  on  hordes,  they  onward  rush; 
With  gory  tramp  they  mount  the  wall, 

Till  numbers  the  defenders  crush, 

Till  falls  the  flag  when  none  remains! 

Well  may  the  ruffians  quake  to  tell 
How  Travis  and  his  hundred  fell, 

Amid  a thousand  foemen  slain. 

They  died  the  Spartan’s  death, 

But  not  in  hopeless  strife, — 

Like  brothers  died ; and  their  expiring  breath 
Was  freedom’s  breath  of  life. 


THE  GOLIAD  MASSACRE 


183 


53.  The  Goliad  Masacre 

By  John  C.  Duval  (1836) 

On  March  19,  1836,  by  command  of  General  Houston,  Colonel 
Fannin  left  Goliad  with  about  four  hundred  and  fifty  men.  He 
was  soon  overtaken  by  the  Mexicans  under  General  Urrea,  and  a 
battle  took  place.  A number  of  the  Texans  were  wounded,  and 
it  was  impossible  to  continue  the  march  with  them,  while  the  men 
refused  to  leave  them  to  the  mercy  of  the  Mexicans;  so  it  was 
decided  that  all  should  surrender.  The  Texans  claimed  that 
Urrea  promised  to  treat  them  well  and  send  them  back  to  the 
United  States.  But  they  were  taken  to  Goliad,  kept  in  close 
confinement  for  a week,  and  then,  by  order  of  Santa  Anna,  bru- 
tally shot.  John  C.  Duval,  who  wrote  this  account,1  was  one 
of  the  few  who  escaped  the  massacre. 

The  morning  of  the  sixth  'day  after  our  return  to 
Goliad  we  were  confined  in  the  mission,  where  we 
were  so  crowded  we  had  hardly  room  to  lie  down  at 
night.  Our  rations,  too,  about  that  time,  had  been 
reduced  to  five  ounces  of  fresh  beef  a day,  which  we 
had  to  cook  in  the  best  way  we  could  and  eat  with- 
out salt. 

Although  thus  closely  confined  and  half  starved, 
no  personal  indignity  was  ever  offered  to  us  to  my 
knowledge,  except  on  two  occasions.  Once  a Mex- 
ican soldier  pricked  one  of  our  men  with  his  bayonet, 
because  he  did  not  walk  quite  fast  enough  to  suit  him, 
whereupon  he  turned  and  knocked  the  Mexican  down 
with  his  fist.  I fully  expected  to  see  him  roughly 
handled  for  this,  but  the  officer  in  command  of  the 


Close  con- 
finement 
and  poor 
rations. 


Respect  for 
the  Texans. 


1From  Early  Times  in  Texas,  51-55. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  151-155;  Garrison,  205-206. 


184 


THE  REVOLUTION 


An  in- 
human de- 
ception. 


guard,  who  saw  the  affair,  came  up  to  him  and  patting 
him  on  the  shoulder,  told  him  he  was  “muy  bravo” 
[very  brave]  and  that  he  had  served  the  soldier  ex- 
actly right.  At  another  time  one  of  our  men  was 
complaining  to  the  officer  of  the  guard  of  the  rations 


Mission  La  Bahia  at  Goliad 


issued  to  him,  and  he  ordered  one  of  the  soldiers  to 
collect  a quantity  of  bones  lying  around,  and  throw- 
ing them  on  the  ground  before  the  man,  said,  “There, 
eat  as  much  as  you  want — good  enough  for  gringoes  1 
and  heretics.” 

On  the  morning  of  the  27th  of  March,  a Mexican 
officer  came  to  us  and  ordered  us  to  get  ready  for  a 

1Gringo  is  a Mexican  term  of  contempt  for  Americans. 


THE  GOLIAD  MASSACRE 


185 


march.  He  told  us  we  were  to  be  liberated  on  parole, 
and  that  arrangements  had  been  made  to  send  us  to 
New  Orleans  on  board  of  vessels  then  at  Copano. 

This,  you  may  be  sure,  was  joyful  news  to  us,  and 
we  lost  no  time  in  making  preparations  to  leave  our 
uncomfortable  quarters.  When  all  was  ready  we 
were  formed  into  three  divisions  and  marched  out  un- 
der a strong  guard.  As  we  passed  by  some  Mexican 
women  who  were  standing  near  the  main  entrance  of 
the  fort,  I heard  them  say  “pobrecitos”  (poor  fel- 
lows). 

One  of  our  divisions  was  taken  down  the  road  The  mas- 

gacre 

leading  to  the  lower  ford  of  the  river,  one  upon  the 
road  to  San  Patricio,  and  the  division  to  which  my 
company  was  attached,  along  the  road  leading  to  San 
Antonio.  A strong  guard  accompanied  us,  marching 
in  double  file  on  both  sides  of  our  column.  It  oc- 
curred to  me  that  this  division  of  our  men  into  three 
squads,  and  marching  us  off  in  three  directions,  was 
rather  a singular  maneuver,  but  still  I had  no  suspi- 
cion of  the  foul  play  intended  us.  When  about  half 
a mile  above  town,  a halt  was  made  and  the  guard  on 
the  side  next  the  river  filed  around  to  the  opposite 
side.  Hardly  had  this  maneuver  been  executed  when 
I heard  a heavy  firing  of  musketry  in  the  directions 
taken  by  the  other  two  divisions.  Some  one  near  me 
exclaimed,  “Boys!  they  are  going  to  shoot  us!”  and 
at  the  same  instant  I heard  the  clicking  of  musket 


186 


THE  REVOLUTION 


A few 
escape. 


A race 
for  life. 


locks  all  along  the  Mexican  line.  I turned  to  look, 
and  as  I did  so,  the  Mexicans  fired  upon  us,  killing 
probably  one  hundred  out  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
men  in  the  division.  We  were  in  double  file  and  I 
was  in  the  rear  rank. 

The  man  in  front  of  me  was  shot  dead,  and  in  fall- 
ing he  knocked  me  down.  I did  not  get  up  for  a 
moment,  and  when  I rose  to  my  feet,  I found  that  the 
whole  Mexican  line  had  charged  over  me,  and  were 
in  hot  pursuit  of  those  who  had  not  been  shot  and 
who  were  fleeing  towards  the  river  about  five  hundred 
yards  distant.  I followed  on  after  them,  for  I knew 
that  escape  in  any  other  direction  (all  open  prairie) 
would  be  impossible. 

I had  nearly  reached  the  river  before  it  became  nec- 
essary to  make  my  way  through  the  Mexican  line 
ahead.  As  I did  so,  one  of  the  soldiers  charged  upon 
me  with  his  bayonet  (his  gun  I suppose  being  empty). 
As  he  drew  his  musket  back  to  make  a lunge  at  me, 
one  of  our  men  coming  from  another  direction,  ran 
between  us,  and  the  bayonet  was  driven  through  his 
body.  The  blow  was  given  with  such  force,  that  in 
falling  the  man  probably  wrenched  or  twisted  the 
bayonet  in  such  a way  as  to  prevent  the  Mexican  from 
withdrawing  it  immediately.  I saw  him  put  his  foot 
upon  the  man,  and  make  an  ineffectual  attempt  to  ex- 
tricate the  bayonet  from  his  body,  but  one  look  satis- 


THE  BATTLE  OF  SAN  JACINTO 


187 


fied  me,  as  I was  somewhat  in  a hurry  just  then,  and 
I hastened  to  the  bank  of  the  river  and  plunged  in. 

The  river  at  that  point  was  deep  and  swift,  but  not 
wide,  and  I soon  gained  the  opposite  bank. 

1.  What  did  the  Mexicans  use  as  a prison  for  Fannin’s  men? 
2.  What  did  they  think  the  Mexicans  were  going  to  do  with 
them  ? 3.  What  did  the  Mexicans  tell  them  as  they  were  taken 

out  to  be  shot?  4.  Why  did  the  Mexicans  separate  them  into 
three  divisions?  5.  Describe  the  massacre.  6.  Who  was  re- 
sponsible for  the  murder  of  these  men  ? 7.  Was  there  any  jus- 

tification for  their  execution? 


54.  The  Batde  of  San  Jacinto 

By  Sam  Houston  ( 1836) 

This  is  General  Houston’s  official  report  of  the  battle  of  San 
Jacinto.1 

Headquarters  of  the  Army, 
San  Jacinto,  April  25,  1836. 

To  His  Excellency , David  G.  Burnet,  President  of  the 
Republic  of  Texas. 

Sir:  I regret  extremely  that  my  situation,  since 

the  battle  of  the  21st,  has  been  such  as  to  prevent  my 
.rendering  you  my  official  report  of  the  same  previous 
to  this  time. 

I have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  on  the  even- 
ing of  the  1 8th  inst.,  after  a forced  march  of  fifty-five 
miles,  the  army  arrived  opposite  Harrisburg.  That 
evening  a courier  of  the  enemy  was  taken,  from  whom 

’Read:  Pennybacker,  160-164;  Garrison,  225-226. 


Too  ill 
to  report. 


Santa  An- 
na’s plans. 


188 


THE  REVOLUTION 


The  inarch 
to  San 
Jacinto. 


Mexican 

reinforce- 

ments. 


I learned  that  General  Santa  Anna,  with  one  division 
of  choice  troops,  had  marched  in  the  direction  of 
Lynch’s  Ferry  on  the  San  Jacinto,  burning  Harris- 
burg as  he  passed  down. 

The  army  was  ordered  to  be  in  readiness  to  march 
early  on  the  next  morning.  The  main  body  effected 
a crossing  over  Buffalo  Bayou,  below  Harrisburg,  on 
the  morning  of  the  19th,  having  left  the  baggage,  the 
sick,  and  a sufficient  camp  guard  in  the  rear.  We 
continued  the  march  throughout  the  night,  making 
but  one  halt  in  the  prairie  for  a short  time,  and  with- 
out refreshments.  At  daylight  we  resumed  the  line 
of  march.  In  a short  distance  our  scouts  encountered 
those  of  the  enemy,  and  we  received  information  that 
General  Santa  Anna  was  at  New  Washington,  and 
would  that  day  take  up  the  line  of  march  for  Ana- 
huac,  crossing  at  Lynch’s  Ferry.  The  Texian  army 
halted  within  half  a mile  of  the  ferry  in  some  timber 
and  were  engaged  in  slaughtering  beeves,  when  the 
army  of  Santa  Anna  was  discovered  approaching  in 
battle  array. 

About  9 o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  21st  the 
enemy  were  reinforced  by  five  hundred  choice  troops, 
under  the  command  of  General  Cos;  increasing  their 
effective  force  to  upwards  of  fifteen  hundred  men, 
whilst  our  aggregate  force  for  the  field  numbered 
seven  hundred  and  eighty-three. 

At  half  past  3 o’clock  in  the  evening  I ordered 


THE  BATTLE  OF  SAN  JACINTO 


189 


the  officers  of  the  Texian  army  to  parade  their  respec- 
tive commands,  having  in  the  meantime  ordered  the 
bridge  on  the  only  road  communicating  with  the 
Brazos,  distant  eight  miles  from  our  encampment,  to 
be  destroyed,  thus  cutting  off  all  possibility  of  escape. 
Our  troops  paraded  with  alacrity  and  spirit,  and  were 
anxious  for  the  contest.  The  conscious  disparity  in 
numbers  seemed  only  to  increase  their  enthusiasm  and 
confidence,  and  heighten  their  anxiety  for  the  con- 
flict. 

Our  cavalry  was  first  dispatched  to  the  front  of  the 
enemy’s  left,  for  the  purpose  of  attracting  notice, 
whilst  an  extensive  island  of  timber  afforded  us  an 
opportunity  of  concentrating  our  forces  and  deploy- 
ing from  that  point.  Every  evolution  was  performed 
with  alacrity,  the  whole  advancing  rapidly  in  line 
and  through  an  open  prairie,  without  any  protection 
whatever  for  our  men.  The  artillery  advanced  and 
took  station  within  two  hundred  yards  of  the  enemy’s 
breastwork,  and  commenced  an  effective  fire  with 
grape  and  cannister. 

Colonel  Sherman  with  his  regiment  having  com- 
menced the  action  upon  our  left  wing,  the  whole  line 
advancing  in  double-quick  time,  rung  the  war  cry, 
“Remember  the  Alamo!”  received  the  enemy’s  fire, 
and  advanced  within  point  blank  shot  before  a piece 
was  discharged  from  our  lines. 

The  conflict  lasted  about  eighteen  minutes  from  the 


Prepara- 
tions for 
the  battle. 


The  ad- 
vance. 


“Remem- 
ber the 
Alamo!” 


190 


THE  REVOLUTION 


Victory. 


Losses 

compared. 


The  spoils. 


time  of  close  action  until  we  were  in  possession  of  the 
enemy’s  encampment.  We  took  one  piece  of  cannon 
(loaded),  four  stands  of  colors,  all  their  camp  equip- 
age, stores,  and  baggage.  Our  cavalry  had  charged 
and  routed  that  of  the  enemy  upon  the  right,  and 
given  pursuit  to  the  fugitives,  which  did  not  cease 
until  they  arrived  at  the  bridge  which  I have  men- 
tioned. Captain  Karnes,  always  the  foremost  in 
danger,  commanded  the  pursuers.  The  conflict  in 
the  breastwork  lasted  but  a few  moments.  Many  of 
the  troops  encountered  hand  to  hand,  and  not  having 
the  advantage  of  bayonets  on  our  side,  our  riflemen 
used  their  pieces  as  war  clubs,  breaking  many  of  them 
off  at  the  breech. 

The  rout  commenced  at  half  past  four,  and  the  pur- 
suit by  the  main  army  continued  until  twilight.  A 
guard  was  then  left  in  charge  of  the  enemy’s  encamp- 
ment, and  our  army  returned  with  their  killed  and 
wounded.  In  the  battle  our  loss  was  two  killed  and 
twenty-three  wounded,  six  of  them  mortally.  The 
enemy’s  loss  was  six  hundred  and  thirty  killed ; 
wounded,  two  hundred  and  eight;  prisoners,  seven 
hundred  and  thirty. 

About  six  hundred  muskets,  three  hundred  sabres 
and  two  hundred  pistols  have  been  collected  since  the 
action.  Several  hundred  mules  and  horses  were 
taken,  and  near  twelve  thousand  dollars  in  specie. 
For  several  days  previous  to  the  action  our  troops 


Statue  of  Sam  Houston 

(By  Elisabet  Ney.) 


192 


THE  REVOLUTION 


Every 
soldier 
a hero. 


were  engaged  in  forced  marches,  exposed  to  excessive 
rains*  and  the  additional  inconvenience  of  extremely 
bad  roads,  illy  supplied  with  rations  and  clothing;  yet 
amid  every  difficulty,  they  bore  up  with  cheerfulness 
and  fortitude,  and  performed  their  marches  with  spirit 
and  alacrity.  There  was  no  murmuring. 

For  the  commanding  general  to  attempt  discrimina- 
tion as  to  the  conduct  of  those  who  commanded  in  the 
action,  or  those  who  were  commanded,  would  be  im- 
possible. Our  success  in  the  action  is  conclusive  proof 
of  such  daring  intrepidity  and  courage.  Every  officer 
and  man  proved  himself  worthy  of  the  cause  in  which 
he  battled,  while  the  triumph  received  a lustre  from 
the  humanity  which  characterized  their  conduct  after 
victory.  Nor  should  we  withhold  the  tribute  of  our 
grateful  thanks  from  that  Being  who  rules  the  des- 
tinies of  nations,  and  has  in  the  time  of  greatest  need 
enabled  us  to  arrest  a powerful  invader,  whilst  de- 
vastating our  country. 

I have  the  honor  to  be,  with  high  consideration, 
Your  obedient  servant, 

Sam  Houston, 
Commander-in-Chief. 

1.  How  did  General  Houston  obtain,  at  Harrisburg,  informa- 
tion of  Santa  Anna’s  movements  ? 2.  Describe  the  march  of 

the  Texans  from  Harrisburg  to  San  Jacinto.  3.  When  did  the 
Texans  first  encounter  the  Mexican  army?  4.  How  many  sol- 
diers did  Santa  Anna  then  have  ? 5.  How  many  men  did  General 

Houston  command?  6.  Why  do  you  suppose  General  Houston 
delayed  attacking  the  enemy?  7.  How  many  additional  men  did 


STORY  OF  SAN  JACINTO 


193 


Cos  bring  to  Santa  Anna  on  the  21st?  8.  Did  General  Houston 

know  that  Cos  was  coming?  9.  What  did  General  Houston 
think  would  be  the  effect  of  destroying  Vince’s  bridge?  10.  De- 
scribe the  charge  of  the  Texans.  11.  How  long  did  the  actual 
battle  last?  12.  State  the  losses  of  the  two  armies.  13.  What 
spoils  were  captured  in  the  Mexican  camp?  14.  How  did  the 
battle  of  San  Jacinto  affect  the  struggle  for  independence? 


55.  A Mexican’s  Story  of  San  Jacinto 

By  Pedro  Delgado  (1836) 

Delga'do  was  a colonel  on  Santa  Anna’s  staff,  and  he  wrote 
this  account  in  1837.  It  is  the  most  vivid  description  of  the  bat- 
tle which  we  have  from  the  Mexican  standpoint.1 

At  daybreak  on  the  21st,  His  Excellency  [Santa 
Anna]  ordered  a breastwork  to  be  erected  for  the 
cannon.  It  was  constructed  with  pack-saddles,  sacks 
of  hard  bread,  baggage,  etc.  A trifling  barricade  of 
branches  ran  along  its  front  and  right. 

At  9 o’clock  a.  m.  General  Cos  came  in  with  a rein- 
forcement of  about  -500  men.  His  arrival  was  greeted 
with  the  roll  of  drums  and  with  joyful  shouts.  As 
it  was  represented  to  His  Excellency  that  these  men 
had  not  slept  the  night  before,  he  instructed  them  to 
stack  their  arms,  to  remove  their  accoutrements,  and 
to  go  to  sleep  quietly  in  the  adjoining  grove. 

No  important  incident  took  place  until  4:30  p.  m. 
At  this  fatal  moment,  the  bugler  on  our  right  signaled 
the  advance  of  the  enemy  upon  that  wing.  His  Ex- 
cellency and  staff  were  asleep ; the  greater  number  of 


Fortifi- 

cations. 


Reinforce- 

ments. 


A line  of 

musket 

stacks. 


“From  a translation  in  the  Texas  Almanac  for  1870. 
13 


194 


THE  REVOLUTION 


The  en- 
emy’s line. 


Confusion 
worse  con- 
founded. 


A panic- 

stricken 

herd. 


Santa  Anna 
frightened. 


the  men  were  also  sleeping;  of  the  rest,  some  were 
eating,  others  were  scattered  in  the  woods  in  search 
of  boughs  to  prepare  shelter.  Our  line  was  composed 
of  musket  stacks.  Our  cavalry  were  riding,  bare- 
back,  to  and  from  water. 

I stepped  upon  some  ammunition  boxes,  the  better 
to  observe  the  movements  of  the  enemy.  I saw  that 
their  formation  was  a mere  line  in  one  rank,  and  very 
extended.  In  their  center  was  the  Texas  flag;  on 
both  wings,  they  had  two  light  cannons,  well  manned. 
Their  cavalry  was  opposite  our  front,  overlapping  our 
left. 

In  this  disposition,  yelling  furiously,  with  a brisk 
fire  of  grape,  muskets,  and  rifles,  they  advanced  reso- 
lutely upon  our  camp.  There  the  utmost  confusion 
prevailed.  General  Castrillon  shouted  on  one  side; 
on  another  Colonel  Almon'te  was  giving  orders ; some 
cried  out  to  commence  firing;  others  to  lie  down  to 
avoid  grape  shots.  Among  the  latter  was  His  Ex- 
cellency. 

Then,  already,  I saw  our  men  flying  in  small 
groups,  terrified,  and  sheltering  themselves  behind 
large  trees.  I endeavored  to  force  some  of  them  to 
fight,  but  all  efforts  were  in  vain — the  evil  was  beyond 
remedy;  they  were  a bewildered  and  panic  stricken 
herd. 

Then  I saw  His  Excellency  running  about  in  the 
utmost  excitement,  wringing  his  hands,  and  unable  to 


STORY  OF  SAN  JACINTO 


195 


give  an  order.  General  Castrillon  was  stretched  on 
the  ground,  wounded  in  the  leg.  Colonel  Trev'i'no 
was  killed,  and  Colonel  Marcial  Aguirre  was  severely 
injured.  I saw  also  the  enemy  reaching  the  ordnance 
train,  and  killing  a corporal  and  two  gunners  who 
had  been  detailed  to  repair  cartridges  which  had  been 
damaged  on  the  previous  evening. 

Everything  being  lost,  I went — leading  my  horse,  Demorali- 

zatiQTi 

which  I could  not  mount,  because  the  firing  had  ren- 
dered him  restless  and  fractious — to  join  our  men, 
still  hoping  that  we  might  be  able  to  defend  ourselves, 
or  to  retire  under  the  shelter  of  night.  This,  how- 
ever, could  not  be  done.  It  is  a known  fact  that 
Mexican  soldiers,  once  demoralized,  can  not  be  con- 
trolled, unless  they  are  thoroughly  inured  to  war. 

On  the  left,  and  about  a musket-shot  distance  from  The 
our  camp,  was  a small  grove  on  the  bay  shore.  Our  slaushter* 
disbanded  herd  rushed  for  it,  to  obtain  shelter  from 
the  horrid  slaughter  carried  on  all  over  the  prairie 
by  the  blood-thirsty  usurpers.  Unfortunately,  we  met 
on  our  way  an  obstacle  difficult  to  overcome.  It  was 
a bayou,  not  very  wide,  but  rather  deep.  The  men, 
on  reaching  it,  would  helplessly  crowd  together,  and 
were  shot  down  by  the  enemy,  who  was  close  enough 
not  to  miss  his  aim.  It  was  there  that  the  greatest 
carnage  took  place. 

Upon  reaching  that  spot,  I saw  Colonel  Almonte 


196 


THE  REVOLUTION 


Swimming 
to  safety. 


In  the 
quicksand. 


Gloomy 

thoughts. 


The  sur- 
render. 


swimming  across  the  bayou  with  his  left  hand,  and 
holding  up  his  right,  which  grasped  his  sword. 

I stated  before  that  I was  leading  my  horse,  but, 
in  this  critical  situation,  I vaulted  on  him,  and,  with 
two  leaps,  he  landed  me  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the 
bayou.  To  my  sorrow  I had  to  leave  the  noble  ani- 
mal, mired,  at  that  place,  and  to  part  with  him,  prob- 
ably forever.  As  I dismounted,  I sank  in  the  mire 
waist  deep,  and  I had  the  greatest  trouble  to  get  out 
of  it,  by  taking  hold  of  the  grass.  Both  my  shoes 
remained  in  the  bayou.  I made  an  effort  to  recover 
them,  but  I soon  came  to  the  conclusion  that,  did  I 
tarry  there,  a rifle  shot  would  certainly  make  an  out- 
let for  my  soul,  as  had  happened  to  many  a poor  fel- 
low around  me.  Thus  I made  for  the  grove,  bare- 
footed. 

There  I met  a number  of  other  officers,  with  whom 
I wandered  at  random,  buried  in  gloomy  thoughts 
upon  our  tragic  disaster.  We  still’ entertained  a hope 
of  rallying  some  of  our  men,  but  it  was  impossible. 

The  enemy’s  cavalry  surrounded  the  grove,  while 
his  infantry  penetrated  it,  pursuing  us  with  fierce  and 
blood-thirsty  feelings.  Thence  they  marched  us  to 
their  camp.  I was  bare-footed;  the  prairie  had  re- 
cently been  burnt  up,  and  the  blades  of  grass,  hard- 
ened by  fire,  penetrated  like  needles  the  soles  of  my 
feet,  so  that  I could  hardly  walk. 

After  having  kept  us  sitting  in  camp  about  an  hour 


STORY  OF  SAN  JACINTO 


197 


and  a half,  they  marched  us  into  the  woods,  where 
we  saw  an  immense  fire.  I and  several  of  my  com- 
panions were  silly  enough  to  believe  that  we  were 
about  to  be  burnt  alive,  in  retaliation  for  those  who 
had  been  burnt  in  the  Alamo.  We  should  have  con- 
sidered it  an  act  of  mercy  to  be  shot  first.  Oh ! the 
bitter  and  cruel  moment!  However,  we  felt  consid- 
erably relieved  when  they  placed  us  around  the  fire 
to  warm  ourselves  and  to  dry  our  wet  clothes. 

We  were  surrounded  by  twenty-five  or  thirty  sen- 
tinels. You  should  have  seen  those  men,  or,  rather, 
phantoms,  converted  into  moving  armories.  Some 
wore  two,  three,  and  even  four  brace  of  pistols;  a 
cloth  bag  of  very  respectable  size  filled  with  bullets, 
a powder  horn,  a sabre  or  a bowie  knife,  besides  a 
rifle,  musket,  or  carbine. 

Was  this  display  intended  to  prevent  us  from  at- 
tempting to  escape  ? The  fools ! Where  could  we 
go  in  that  vast  country,  unknown  to  us,  intersected 
by  large  rivers  and  forests,  where  wild  beasts  and 
hunger,  and  where  they  themselves  would  destroy  us  ? 


A terri- 
ble fright. 


“Armed  to 
the  teeth.” 


Afraid  to 
escape. 


1.  What  was  the  condition  of  the  Mexican  army  when  the 
Texans  charged  them  ? 2.  Did  they  attempt  to  make  a strong 

defense?  3.  Describe  their  panic  and  the  pursuit  of  the  Texans. 
4.  What  did  the  prisoners  think  the  Texans  were  going  to  do 
with  them?  5.  Would  the  Texans  have  been  justified  in  mis- 
treating them?  6.  Describe  the  weapons  of  the  Texans  as  the 
Mexicans  saw  them.  7.  Where  do  you  suppose  they  got  most  of 
these  weapons? 


198 


THE  REVOLUTION 


Hunting 

Mexicans. 


A prisoner. 


56.  The  Capture  of  Santa  Anna1 

By  Joel  W.  Robison  (1836) 

I was  one  of  a detachment  of  thirty  or  forty  men 
commanded  by  Colonel  Burleson,  which  left  the  en- 
campment of  the  Texas  army  at  sunrise  of  the  morn- 
ing after  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  to  pursue  the  fugi- 
tive enemy.  Most  of  us  were  mounted  on  horses 
captured  from  the  Mexicans.  We  picked  up  two  or 
three  cringing  wretches  before  we  reached  Vince’s 
Bayou,  eight  or  nine  miles  from  our  camp.  Colonel 
Burleson  gave  them  a few  lines  in  pencil  stating  that 
they  had  been  made  prisoners  by  him,  and  sent  them 
back  to  our  camp  without  a guard. 

Colonel  Burleson  with  the  greater  part  of  our  de- 
tachment went  up  Vince’s  Bayou — but  six  of  us,  to 
wit,  Sylvester,  Miles,  Vermillion,  Thompson,  another 
man  whose  name  I have  forgotten,2  and  myself,  pro- 
ceeded a short  distance  farther  down  the  bayou,  but, 
not  finding  any  Mexicans,  turned  our  course  toward 
camp.  About  two  miles  east  of  Vince’s  Bayou,  the 
road  leading  from  the  bridge  to  the  battle-ground 
crossed  a ravine  a short  distance  below  its  source. 
As  we  approached  this  ravine  we  discovered  a man 

'From  the  Quarterly  of  the  Texas  State  Historical  Association, 
VI,  243-245. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  164-166;  Garrison,  226. 

*The  other  man  is  said  to  have  been  Sion  R.  Bostick. 


CAPTURE  OF  SANTA  ANNA 


199 


standing  in  the  prairie  near  one  of  the  groves.  He 
was  dressed  in  citizen’s  clothing,  a blue  cottonade 
frock  coat  and  pantaloons.  I was  the  only  one  of 
our  party  who  spoke  any  Spanish.  I asked  the  pris- 
oner various  questions,  which  he  answered  readily. 
In  reply  to  the  question  whether  he  knew  where  Santa 
Anna  and  Cos  were,  he  said  he  presumed  they  had 
gone  to  the  Brazos.  He  said  he  was  not  aware  that 


Santa  Anna 


there  were  any  of  his  countrymen  concealed  near  him, 
but  said  there  might  be  in  the  thicket  along  the  ra- 
vine. 

Miles  mounted  the  prisoner  on  his  horse  and  walked 
as  far  as  the  road — about  a mile.  Here  he  ordered 


Driving 
to  camp. 


200 


THE  REVOLUTION 


An  inter- 
esting con- 
versation. 


the  prisoner  to  dismount,  which  he  did  with  great 
reluctance.  He  walked  slowly  and  apparently  with 
pain.  Miles,  who  was  a rough,  reckless  fellow,  was 
carrying  a Mexican  lance  which  he  had  picked  up  dur- 
ing the  morning.  With  this  weapon  he  occasionally 
slightly  pricked  the  prisoner  to  quicken  his  pace, 
which  sometimes  amounted  to  a trot.  At  length  he 
stopped  and  begged  permission  to  ride — saying  that 
he  belonged  to  the  cavalry  and  was  unaccustomed  to 
walking.  We  paused  and  deliberated  as  to  what 
should  be  done  with  him.  I asked  him  if  he  would 
go  on  to  our  army  if  left  to  travel  at  his  leisure.  He 
replied  that  he  would.  Miles  insisted  that  the  pris- 
oner should  be  left  behind,  but  said  that  if  he  were 
left,  he  would  kill  him. 

At  length  my  compassion  for  the  prisoner  moved 
me  to  mount  him  behind  me.  I also  took  charge  of 
his  bundle.  He  was  disposed  to  converse  as  we  rode 
along;  asked  me  many  questions,  the  first  of  which 
was,  “Did  General  Houston  command  in  person  in 
the  action  of  yesterday?”  He  also  asked  how  many 
prispners  we  had  taken  and  what  we  were  going  to 
do  with  them.  When,  in  answer  to  an  inquiry,  I in- 
formed him  that  the  Texian  force  in  the  battle  of  the 
preceding  day  was  less  than  eight  hundred  men,  he 
said  I was  surely  mistaken — that  our  force  was  cer- 
tainly much  greater.  In  turn,  I plied  the  prisoner 
with  divers  questions.  I remember  asking  him  why 


CAPTURE  OF  SANTA  ANNA 


201 


he  came  to  Texas  to  fight  against  us,  to  which  he 
replied  that  he  was  a private  soldier,  and  was  bound 
to  obey  his  officers.  I asked  him  if  he  had  a family. 
He  replied  in  the  affirmative,  but  when  I inquired, 
“Do  you  expect  to  see  them  again?”  his  only  answer 
was  a shrug  of  the  shoulders. 

We  rode  to  that  part  of  our  camp  where  the  pris- 
oners were  kept,  in  order  to  deliver  our  trooper  to  the 
guard.  What  was  our  astonishment,  as  we  approached 
the  guard,  to  hear  the  prisoners  exclaiming,  “El  Pre- 
sidents El  Presidente!”  [The  President,  the  Presi- 
dent] by  which  we  were  made  aware  that  we  had 
unwittingly  captured  the  “Napoleon  of  the  West.” 
The  news  spread  almost  instantaneously  through  our 
camp,  and  we  had  scarcely  dismounted  ere  we  were 
surrounded  by  an  excited  crowd.  Some  of  our  offi- 
cers immediately  took  charge  of  the  illustrious  cap- 
tive and  conducted  him  to  the  tent  of  General  Hous- 
ton. 


1.  Name  the  captors  of  Santa  Anna.  2.  Why  did  Santa 
Anna  deny  his  identity?  3.  How  does  Robison  say  he  was 
dressed?  4.  Describe  the  prisoner’s  journey  to  the  Texan  camp. 
5.  What  did  he  think  when  he  learned  that  he  had  been  defeated 
by  an  army  only  half  the  size  of  his  own?  6.  How  did  the  cap- 
tors  learn  that  their  prisoner  was  Santa  Anna?  7.  What  was 
the  importance  of  his  capture  to  the  Texans  ? 8.  Would  it  have 

been  right  for  the  Texans  to  put  him  to  death  in  retaliation  for 
the  massacres  at  the  Alamo  and  Goliad? 


The  Pres- 
ident! 


202 


THE  REVOLUTION 


Great  ex- 
citement. 


A panic  in 
the  western 
settle- 
ments. 


57.  The  Runaway  Scrape 

By  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris  (1836) 


In  March,  1836,  Santa  Anna  began  his  advance  from  San  Anto- 
nio. General  Houston  was  at  Gonzales  with  only  three  hundred 
and  seventy-four  men.  These  were  not  enough  to  check  the  Mexi- 
can army,  so  Houston  retreated  to  the  Colorado  River,  hoping 
to  gain  time  for  gathering  reinforcements.  From  the  Colorado 
he  found  it  necessary  to  fall  back  to  the  Brazos.  This  alarmed 
the  Texans,  and  whole  families  began  to  flee  from  the  country. 
This  wild  flight  was  called  the  “runaway  scrape.”  The  following 
account  of  the  affair  is  told  by  an  eye-witness.1 

Part  One 

The  people  had  been  in  a state  of  excitement  dur- 
ing the  winter.  They  knew  that  Colonel  Travis  had 
but  few  men  to  defend  San  Antonio.  I remember 
when  his  letter  came  calling  for  assistance.  He  was 
surrounded  by  a large  army,  with  General  Santa 
Anna  in  command,  and  had  been  ordered  to  surrender, 
but  fought  till  the  last  man  died.  I was  nearly  eleven 
years  old,  and  remember  well  the  hurry  and  confu- 
sion. 

By  the  20th  of  February  the  people  of  San  Patricio 
and  other  western  settlements  were  fleeing  for  their 
lives.  Every  family  in  our  neighborhood  was  pre- 
paring to  go  to  the  United  States,  and  wagons  and 
other  vehicles  were  scarce. 

1From  the  Quarterly  of  the  Texas  State  Historical  Association, 
IV,  160-169,  passim. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  157-158;  Garrison,  220-221. 


THE  RUNAWAY  SCRAPE 


203 


By  the  last  of  February  there  was  more  hopeful 
news.  Colonel  Fannin  with  five  hundred  men  was 
marching  to  San  Antonio,  and  General  Houston  was 
on  the  way  to  Gonzales  with  ten  thousand.!  Father 
finished  planting  corn.  He  had  hauled  away  a part 
of  our  household  furniture  and  other  things  and  hid 
them  in  the  bottom.  Mother  had  packed  what  bed- 
ding, clothes,  and  provisions  she  thought  we  should 
need,  ready  to  leave  at  a moment’s  warning,  and 
father  had  made  arrangements  with  a Mr.  Bundick 
to  haul  our  family  in  his  cart.  But  we  were  confi- 
dent that  the  army  under  General  Houston  would 
whip  the  Mexicans  before  they  reached  the  Colorado 
River. 

On  the  1 2th  of  March  came  the  news  of  the  fall 
of  the  Alamo.  A courier  brought  a dispatch  from 
General  Houston  for  the  people  to  leave.  Colonel 
Travis  and  the  men  under  his  command  had  been 
slaughtered.  The  Texas  army  was  retreating,  and 
President  Burnet’s  cabinet  had  gone  to  Harrisburg. 

Then  began  the  horrors  of  the  “Runaway  Scrape.” 
We  left  home  at  sunset,  hauling  clothes,  bedding,  and 
provisions  on  the  sleigh  with  one  yoke  of  oxen.  Mother 
and  I were  walking,  she  with  an  infant  in  her  arms. 
Brother  drove  the  oxen,  and  my  two  little  sisters  rode 

1This  was  only  a rumor.  There  were  but  three  hundred  and 
seventy-four  men  at  Gonzales,  and  the  Alamo  had  fallen  before 
Houston  took  command  of  them. 


Hopeful 

news. 


But  it 
proved  false. 


The  “Run- 
away 
Scrape” 
begins. 


204 


TEE  REVOLUTION 


A lone 
woman  and 
a yoke 
of  oxen. 


We  secure 
a cart. 


Crossing 
the  San 
Jacinto. 


in  the  sleigh.  We  were  going  ten  miles  to  where  we 
could  be  transferred  to  Mr.  Bundick’s  cart. 

We  met  Mrs.  M.  She  was  driving  her  oxen  home. 
We  had  sent  her  word  in  the  morning.  She  begged 
mother  to  go  back  and  help  her,  but  father  said  no. 
He  told  the  lady  to  drive  the  oxen  home,  put  them  in 
the  cow  pen,  turn  out  the  cows  and  calves,  and  get 
her  children  ready,  and  he  would  send  assistance. 

We  went  on  to  Mrs.  Roark’s,  and  met  five  families 
ready  to  leave.  We  shifted  our  things  into  the  cart 
of  Mr.  Bundick,  who  was  waiting  for  us,  and  tried 
to  rest  till  morning.  Sister  and  I had  been  weeping 
all  day  about  Colonel  Travis. 

Early  next  morning  we  were  on  the  move,  mother 
with  her  four  children  in  the  cart,  and  Mr.  Bundick 
and  his  wife  and  negro  woman  on  horseback.  We 
camped  the  first  night  near  Harrisburg,  about  where 
the  railroad  depot  now  stands.  Next  day  we  crossed 
Vince’s  Bridge,  and  arrived  at  the  San  Jacinto  in  the 
night.  There  were  fully  five  thousand  people  at  the 
ferry.  The  planters  from  Brazoria  and  Columbia, 
with  their  slaves,  were  crossing.  Our  party  consisted 
of  five  white  families : father’s,  Mr.  Dyer’s,  Mr.  Bell’s, 
Mr.  Neal’s,  and  Mr.  Bundick’s.  Father  and  Mr.  Bun- 
dick were  the  only  white  men  in  the  party,  the  others 
being  in  the  army.  There  were  twenty  or  thirty 
negroes  from  Stafford’s  plantation.  They  had  a large 
wagon  with  five  yoke  of  oxen,  and  horses  and  mules, 


THE  RUNAWAY  SCRAPE 


205 


and  they  were  in  charge  of  an  old  negro  man  called 
Uncle  Ned.  Altogether,  black  and  white,  there  were 
about  fifty  of  us.  Every  one  was  trying  to  cross  first, 
and  it  was  almost  a riot. 

We  got  over  the  third  day,  and  after  traveling  a 
few  miles  came  to  a big  prairie.  It  was  about  twelve 
miles  further  to  the  next  timber  and  water,  and  some 
of  our  party  wanted  to  camp ; but  others  said  that  the 
Trinity  River  was  rising,  and  if  we  delayed  we  might 
not  get  across.  So  we  hurried  on. 

When  we  got  half  across  the  prairie  Uncle  Ned’s 
wagon  bogged.  The  negro  men  driving  the  carts 
tried  to  go  around  the  big  wagon  one  at  a time  until 
the  four  carts  were  fast  in  the  mud.  Mother  was 
the  only  white  woman  that  rode  in  a cart;  the  others 
traveled  on  horseback.  Mrs.  Bell’s  four  children, 
Mrs.  Dyer’s  three,  and  mother’s  four  rode  in  the  carts. 
All  that  were  on  horseback  had  gone  on  to  the  tim- 
ber to  let  their  horses  feed  and  get  water.  They  sup- 
posed their  families  would  get  there  by  dark.  The 
negro  men  put  all  the  oxen  to  the  wagon,  but  could 
not  move  it;  so  they  had  to  stay  there  until  morning 
without  wood  or  water.  Mother  gathered  the  white 
.children  in  our  cart.  They  behaved  very  well  and 
went  to  sleep,  except  one  little  boy,  Eli  Dyer,  who 
decked  and  cried  for  Uncle  Ned  and  Aunt  Dilue,  till 
:Uncle  Ned  came  and  carried  him  to  the  wagon.  He 
slept  that  night  in  Uncle  Ned’s  arms. 


The  race  for 
the  Trinity. 


“Bogged 

up.” 


206 


THE  REVOLUTION 


The  horrors 
of  crossing 
the  Trinity. 


A friend 
in  need. 


Cold,  wet, 
and  hungry. 


Part  Two 

The  horrors  of  crossing  the  Trinity  are  beyond  my 
powers  to  describe.  One  of  my  little  sisters  was  very 
sick,  and  the  ferryman  said  that  those  families  that 
had  sick  children  should  cross  first.  When  our  party 
got  to  the  boat  the  water  broke  over  the  banks  above 
where  we  were  and  ran  around  us.  We  were  several 
hours  surrounded  by  water.  Our  family  was  the  last 
to  get  to  the  boat.  The  sick  child  was  in  convulsions. 

When  we  landed  the  lowlands  were  under  water, 
and  everybody  was  rushing  for  the  prairie.  Father 
and  mother  hurried  on,  and  we  got  to  the  prairie  and 
found  a great  many  families  camped  there.  A Mrs. 
Foster  invited  mother  to  her  camp,  and  furnished  us 
with  supper,  a bed,  and  dry  clothes.  The  other  fam- 
ilies stayed  all  night  in  the  bottom  without  fire  or  any- 
thing to  eat,  and  with  the  water  up  in  the  carts.  The 
men  drove  the  horses  and  oxen  to  the  prairies,  and 
the  women,  sick  children,  and  negroes  were  left  in  the 
bottom.  The  old  negro  man,  Uncle  Ned,  was  left 
in  charge.  He  put  the  white  women  and  children  in 
his  wagon,  because  it  was  large  and  had  a canvas 
cover,  and  the  negro  women  and  children  he  put  in 
the  carts.  Then  he  guarded  the  whole  party  until 
norning. 

As  soon  as  it  was  daylight  the  men  went  to  the 
relief  of  their  families  and  found  them  cold,  wet,  and 
hungry.  It  took  all  day  to  get  them  out  to  the  prai- 


THE  RUNAWAY  SCRAPE 


207 


ries.  The  second  day  they  brought  out  the  bedding 
and  clothes.  Everything  was  soaked  with  water. 
They  had  to  take  the  wagons  and  carts  apart,  and  it 
took  four  days  to  get  everything  out  of  the  water. 

The  town  of  Liberty  was  three  miles  from  where 
we  camped.  The  people  there  had  not  left  their 
homes,  and  they  gave  us  all  the  help  in  their  power. 
My  little  sister  that  had  been  sick  died  and  was  buried 
in  the  cemetery  at  Liberty.  After  resting  a few  days 
our  party  continued  their  journey,  but  we  remained 
in  the  town. 

We  had  been  at  Liberty  three  weeks,  when  one 
Thursday  afternoon  we  heard  a sound  like  distant 
thunder.  When  it  was  repeated,  father  said  that  it 
was  cannon,  and  that  the  Texans  and  Mexicans  were 
fighting.  He  had  been  through  the  war  of  1812,  and 
knew  that  it  was  a battle.  The  cannonading  lasted 
only  a few  minutes,  and  father  said  that  the  Texans 
must  have  been  defeated,  or  the  cannon  would  not 
have  ceased  firing  so  quickly.  We  left  Liberty  in  half 
an  hour. 

We  traveled  nearly  all  night,  sister  and  I on  horse- 
back and  mother  in  the  cart.  We  were  as  wretched 
as  we  could  be;  for  we  had  been  five  weeks  from 
home,  and  there  was  not  much  prospect  of  our  ever 
returning.  We  had  not  heard  a word  from  brother, 
mother  was  sick,  and  we  had  buried  our  dear  little 
sister  at  Liberty. 


A sad 
death. 


The  sound 
of  cannon. 


The  flight 
continued. 


208 


THE  REVOLUTION 


Recruits 
from  the 
United 
States. 


Glorious 

news. 


Light 

hearts 

again. 


Our  journey  continued  through  mud  and  water, 
and  when  we  camped  in  the  evening  fifty  or  sixty 
young  men  came  by  who  were  going  to  join  General 
Houston.  One  of  them  was  Harry  Stafford,  and  his 
companions  were  volunteers  that  he  had  brought  from 
the  United  States.  They  camped  a short  distance 
from  us. 

Suddenly  we  heard  some  one  calling  from  the  di- 
rection of  Liberty.  We  could  see  that  it  was  a man 
on  horseback,  waving  his  hat;  and,  as  we  knew  there 
was  no  one  left  at  Liberty,  we  thought  the  Mexicans 
had  crossed  the  Trinity.  The  young  men  seized  their 
guns,  but  when  the  rider  got  near  enough  for  us  to 
understand  what  he  said,  it  was,  “Turn  back!  The 
Texans  have  whipped  the  Mexican  army  and  the 
Mexicans  are  prisoners!  No  danger!  No  danger! 
Turn  back!”  When  he  reached  camp  he  could  scarcely 
speak,  he  was  so  excited  and  out  of  breath.  When 
the  young  volunteers  began  to  understand  the  glori- 
ous news  they  wanted  to  fire  a salute,  but  father  made 
them  stop.  He  told  them  they  would  better  save  their 
ammunition,  for  they  might  need  it. 

The  man  showed  father  a dispatch  from  General 
Houston,  giving  an  account  of  the  battle  and  saying 
that  it  would  be  safe  for  the  people  to  return  to  their 
homes.  The  good  news  was  cheering,  indeed.  The 
courier’s  name  was  McDermot.  He  was  an  Irishman 
and  had  once  been  an  actor.  During  the  night  he 


THE  RETURN  HOME 


209 


told  many  incidents  of  the  battle,  as  well  as  of  the 
retreat  of  the  Texan  army,  and  he  acted  them  so  well 
that  there  was  little  sleeping  in  camp  that  night.  The 
first  time  that  mother  laughed  after  the  death  of  my 
little  sister  was  at  his  description  of  General  Hous- 
ton’s helping  to  get  a cannon  out  of  the  bog. 

1.  What  was  the  cause  of  the  “runaway  scrape”?  2.  Describe 
the  horrors  of  the  flight.  3.  Were  the  negroes  faithful  to  their 
masters  during  this  terrible  time?  4.  Do  you  know  whether 
they  often  deserted  their  masters  during  the  Civil  War?  4.  How 
did  the  refugees  learn  of  the  defeat  of  Santa  Anna? 


58.  The  Return  Home1 

By  Mrs.  Dilue  Harris  (1836) 

We  were  on  the  move  early  the  next  morning. 
The  courier  went  on  to  carry  the  glad  tidings  to  the 
people  who  had  crossed  the  Sabine,  but  we  took  a 
lower  road  and  went  down  the  Trinity. 

We  arrived  at  Lynchburg  in  the  night,  crossed  the 
San  Jacinto  the  next  morning,  and  stayed  until  late 
in  the  evening  on  the  battlefield.  Both  armies  were 
camped  near.  General  Santa  Anna  had  been  captured. 
There  was  great  rejoicing  at  the  meeting  of  friends. 
Mr.  Leo  Roark  was  in  the  battle.  He  had  met  his 
mother’s  family  the  evening  before.  He  came  to  the 
ferry  just  as  we  landed,  and  it  was  like  seeing  a 
brother.  He  asked  mother  to  go  with  him  to  the 

1From  the  Quarterly  of  the  Texas  State  Historical  Association, 
IV,  169-178,  passim. 

14 


The 

return. 


A day  on 
the  battle- 
field. 


210 


THE  REVOLUTION 


Dead  Mexi- 
cans every- 
where. 


Going 

visiting. 


Wolves. 


camp  to  see  General  Santa  Anna  and  the  Mexican 
prisoners.  She  would  not  go,  because,  as  she  said, 
she  was  not  dressed  for  visiting.  She  gave  sister  and 
me  permission  to  go  to  the  camp,  but  I had  lost  my 
bonnet  crossing  Trinity  Bay  and  was  compelled  to 
wear  a table-cloth  again.  I could  not  go  to  see  the 
Mexican  prisoners  with  a table-cloth  tied  on  my  head, 
for  I knew  several  of  the  young  men. 

We  stayed  on  the  battlefield  several  hours.  Father 
was  helping  with  the  ferry  boat.  We  'visited  the 
graves  of  the  Texans  that  were  killed  in  the  battle, 
but  there  were  none  of  them  that  I knew.  The  dead 
Mexicans  were  lying  around  in  every  direction. 

Father  worked  till  the  middle  of  the  afternoon 
helping  with  the  ferry  boat,  and  then  he  visited  the 
camp.  He  did  not  see  General  Santa  Anna,  but  met 
some  old  friends  he  had  known  in  Missouri.  We 
left  the  battle-field  late  in  the  evening.  We  had  to 
pass  among  the  dead  Mexicans,  and  father  pulled  one 
out  of  the  road,  so  we  could  get  by  without  driving 
over  the  body. 

The  prairie  was  very  boggy,  it  was  getting  dark, 
and  there  were  now  twenty  or  thirty  families  with 
us.  We  were  glad  to  leave  the  battlefield,  for  it  was 
a gruesome  sight.  We  camped  that  night  on  the 
prairie,  and  could  hear  the  wolves  howl  and  bark  as 
they  devoured  the  dead. 

Early  the  next  morning  we  were  on  the  move. 


THE  RETURN  HOME 


211 


We  had  to  take  a roundabout  road,  for  the  burning  of 
Vince’s  bridge  prevented  us  from  going  directly  home. 
We  could  hear  nothing  but 
sad  news.  San  Felipe  had 
been  burned,  and  dear  old 
Harrisburg  was  in  ashes. 

There  was  nothing  left  of 
the  Stafford  plantation  but  a 
crib  with  a thousand  bushels 
of  corn. 

The  burning  of  the  saw- 
mill at  Harrisburg  and  the 
buildings  on  Stafford’s  plan- 
tation was  a calamity  that 
greatly  affected  the  people. 

On  the  plantation  there  had 
been  a sugar  mill,  cotton  gin,  blacksmith  shop,  grist 
mill,  a dwelling  house,  negro  houses,  and  a stock 
of  farming  implements.  The  Mexicans  saved  the 
corn  for  bread,  and  it  was  a great  help  to  the  people 
of  the  neighborhood. 

We  camped  that  evening  on  Sims’  bayou.  We 
heard  that  Uncle  James  Wells  was  at  Stafford’s  Point, 
and  while  mother  was  talking  about  him,  he  and  Deaf 
Smith  rode  up  to  our  camp.  It  was  a happy  surprise. 
He  had  been  to  our  house,  and  he  said  everything  we 
left  on  the  place  had  been  destroyed.  As  Uncle 


Sadness 
and  ruin. 


News 
of  home. 


212 


THE  REVOLUTION 


Home 
at  last. 


Hogs  sleep- 
ing in  the 
house. 


Plowing  on 
Sunday. 


James  had  fever,  mother  wanted  him'  to  go  home  with 
her,  but  he  would  not.  He  said  that  he  had  been 
absent  from  the  army  ten  days,  and  must  report  to 
headquarters. 

Early  in  the  morning  we  broke  camp.  The  weather 
was  getting  warm,  and  we  stopped  two  hours  in  the 
middle  of  the  day  at  a water  hole.  When  the  sun  set 
we  were  still  five  miles  from  home.  It  was  now  dark 
and  we  traveled  slower.  The  oxen  were  tired  and 
kept  feeding  all  the  time,  so  that  it  was  io  o’clock 
when  we  got  home.  We  camped  near  the  house. 
Father  said  we  could  not  go  in  until  morning. 

As  soon  as  it  was  light  enough  for  us  to  see  we 
went  to  the  house,  and  the  first  thing  we  saw  was  the 
hogs  running  out.  Father’s  book  case  lay  on  the 
ground  broken  open,  his  books,  medicines,  and  other 
things  scattered  on  the  ground,  and  the  hogs  sleeping 
on  them.  When  sister  and  I got  to  the  door,  there 
was  one  big  hog  that  would  not  go  out  till  father  shot 
at  him.  Then  we  children  began  picking  up  the  books. 
We  could  not  find  those  that  Colonel  Travis  gave  us, 
but  did  find  broken  toys  that  belonged  to  our  dear 
little  sister  that  died.  Through  the  joy  and  excite- 
ment since  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  we  had  forgotten 
our  sad  bereavement. 

The  first  thing  that  father  did  after  breakfast  was 
to  go  to  the  corn  field.  He  had  planted  corn  the  first 
of  March,  and  it  needed  plowing.  He  did  not  wait 


NO  ROOF  TO  CALL  MY  OWN 


213 


for  Monday,  or  to  put  the  house  in  order,  but  began 
plowing  at  once.  His  field  was  in  the  bottom,  and 
he  had  hidden  his  plow. 

Father  had  hid  some  of  our  things  in  the  bottom, 
among  them  a big  chest.  Mother  had  packed  it  with 
bedding,  clothes,  and  other  things  we  could  not  take 
when  we  left  home.  After  a few  days,  Uncle  and 
brother  hauled  it  to  the  house,  and  that  old  blue  chest 
proved  a treasure.  When  we  left  home  we  wore  our 
best  clothes.  Now  our  best  clothes  were  in  the  chest, 
among  them  my  old  sunbonnet.  I was  prouder  of 
that  old  bonnet  than  in  after  years  of  a new  white 
lace  one  that  my  husband  gave  me. 

1.  Describe  the  condition  of  the  homes  in  Texas  after  the  Mexi- 
cans had  plundered  them.  2.  Mention  some  of  the  towns  that 
were  destroyed.  3.  What  towns  were  burned  by  our  people? 
4.  Why  did  they  destroy  them?  5.  Did  the  Texans  lose  any 
time  mourning  over  their  misfortunes? 


59.  No  Roof  to  Call  My  Own 

By  Stephen  F.  Austin  (1836) 

This  letter  illustrates  some  of  the  hardships  which  Austin 
suffered  for  the  sake  of  Texas.1 

Peach  Point,  Near  Brazoria, 
October  30,  1836. 

Mr.  Joseph  Ficklin. 

My  Dear  Sir  : I have  received  several  letters  from 

you,  and  I fear  that  you  have  accused  me  of  neglect 

xFrom  the  original  manuscript  in  the  Austin  Papers,  at  The 
University  of  Texas. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  108,  110-114,  119-127;  Garrison,  135-152, 

185-188. 


A treasure 
chest. 


Hard 

work  and 
sickness. 


214 


THE  REVOLUTION 


Homeless. 


in  not  answering  them  sooner.  As  an  apology,  I have 
to  say,  that  on  my  arrival  at  Velasco  on  June  29  I 
was  called  up  the  country  on  important  business,  and 
was  in  motion  during  the  whole  of  July  and  August. 
The  last  of  August  I was  taken  sick  with  fever  at  the 
headquarters  of  the  army,  and  with  difficulty  reached 
this  place  (the  residence  of  my  brother-in-law,  Mr. 
James  F.  Perry).  I have  had  a severe  attack,  but 
am  now  convalescent,  though  dyspeptic  to  a great  de- 
gree, and  so  debilitated  that  I am  barely  able  to  get 
about. 

I have  been  told  that  I have  been  accused  of  not 
treating  our  Lexington  friends 1 with  sufficient  at- 
tention. This  has  mortified  me  very  much,  for  I do 
not  merit  it.  I have  no  house,  not  a roof  in  all  Texas, 
that  I can  call  my  own.  The  only  one  I had  was 
burnt  at  San  Felipe  during  the  late  invasion  of  the 
enemy.  I make  my  home  where  the  business  of  the 
country  calls  me.  There  is  none  here  at  the  farm  of 
my  brother-in-law.  Fte  only  began  to  open  up  the 
place  three  years  ago,  and  is  still  in  the  primitive  log 
cabins  and  the  shrubbery  of  the  forest. 

Hn  the  spring  of  1836  Austin,  Dr.  Branch  T.  Archer,  and 
William  H.  Wharton  traveled  through  the  United  States,  making 
speeches  and  arousing  sympathy  for  Texas.  A company  of  vol- 
unteers was  raised  at  Lexington,  Kentucky,  but  it  reached  Texas 
several  months  after  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  when  it  was  no 
longer  needed.  The  authorities  could  do  nothing,  of  course,  but 
thank  them  and  send  them  back  home.  On  their  return  to  Lex- 
ington Colonel  Wilson  and  Captain  Fostlethwaite  declared  that 
they  had  been  badly  treated  by  the  Texans. 


Statue  of  Stephen  F.  Austin 

(By  Elisabet  Ney.) 


216 


THE  REVOLUTION 


And  with- 
out money. 


All  spent 
for  Texas. 


In  no  po- 
sition to 
entertain 
friends. 


I have  no  farm,  no  cotton  plantation,  no  income,  no 
money,  no  comforts.  I have  spent  the  prime  of  my 
life  and  worn  out  my  constitution  in  trying  to  colonize 
this  country.  Many  persons  boast  of  their  three  or  four 
hundred  leagues,  acquired  by  speculation  without  per- 
sonal labor  or  the  sacrifice  of  years  or  even  days.  I 
shall  be  content  to  save  twenty  leagues,  or  about 
ninety  thousand  acres,  acquired  very  hardly  and  very 
dearly,  indeed. 

All  my  wealth  is  prospective  and  contingent  upon 
the  events  of  the  future.  What  I have  been  able  from 
time  to  time  to  realize  in  active  means  has  gone  as 
fast  as  realized,  and  much  faster,  for  I am  still  in 
debt  for  the  expenses  of  my  trip  to  Mexico  in  1833, 
1834,  and  1835.  My  health  and  strength  and  time 
have  gone  in  the  service  of  Texas,  and  I am  therefore 
not  ashamed  of  my  present  poverty. 

In  this  situation  what  attentions  could  I have  of- 
fered to  any  one?  I held  no  office,  and  was  then 
unpopular  with  the  army  and  many  others,  on  ac- 
count of  the  Santa  Anna  excitement.1  I mention 
these  things  to  you — they  are  not  for  publication; 
my  only  object  is  to  inform  my  old  and  esteemed  and 
dearly  cherished  friends  in  Lexington  of  the  facts 
so  far  as  they  relate  to  myself. 


1 After  the  treaty  of  Velasco  was  made  Austin  favored  the  lib- 
eration of  Santa  Anna,  but  the  army,  which  was  composed  largely 
of  volunteers  from  the  United  States,  wanted  to  try  him  for  the 
murder  of  Fannin’s  men  at  Goliad. 


NO  ROOF  TO  CALL  MY  OWN 


217 


I deeply,  most  deeply,  regret  that  any  difficulty  or 
dissatisfaction  should  have  occurred  with  the  volun- 
teers. It  is  a misfortune,  but  it  ought  not  and  cer- 
tainly can  not  injure  the  cause  of  this  country. 

Please  to  remember  me  to  my  old  friends.  I hope 
before  March  the  United  States  flag  will  wave  all 
over  Texas.  God  grant  it  may. 

Yours  most  truly, 

S.  F.  Austin. 

1.  Was  Stephen  F.  Austin  a wealthy  man?  2.  How  much 
land  did  he  have  ? 3.  Flow  did  he  get  this  ? 4.  What  were  some 

of  his  services  to  Texas?  5.  Who  paid  his  expenses  in  Mexico? 
(j.  Do  you  think  he  was  inhospitable? 


Texas  must 
not  suffer. 


218 


THE  REVOLUTION 


60.  A Mexican’s  Lament 

The  following  pathetic  lines  are  said  to  have  been  adapted 
about  the  time  of  the  revolution  by  a Mexican  inhabitant  of  San 
Antonio  from  a poem  written  by  Edward  Fitzgerald.1 

San  Antonio!  my  country!  the  hour 
Of  your  promising  splendor  has  past, 

And  the  chains  which  were  spurned  in  your  moments 
of  power 

Hang  heavily  on  you  at  last! 

Thou  art  doomed  for  the  thankless  to  toil, 

Thou  art  left  for  the  proud  to  disdain; 

And  the  blood  of  your  sons,  and  the  wealth  of  your 
soil 

Have  been  wasted — and  wasted  in  vain. 

The  Mexican  riches  with  taunts  have  been  taken, 
Our  valor  with  treason  repaid, 

And  of  millions  who  see  us  thus  sunk  and  forsaken, 
Not  one  stands  forth  to  our  aid. 

In  the  Mexican  states,  Texas  is  void; 

She  is  out  of  the  list  of  the  free; 

And  those  we  have  nourished  and  cherished  as 
brothers, 

Have  at  length  full  possession  of  thee. 

^rom  The  Texan  Emigrant , 29-30. 


PART  V 

THE  REPUBLIC 


61.  The  Texian  Song  of  Liberty1 

By  C.  D.  Stuart 

The  storm  of  the  battle  no  longer  is  o’er  us, 

Freedom  to  Texas  with  glory  descends; 

The  flag  of  our  triumph  waves  brightly  before  us, 
And  conquest  her  splendor  to  liberty  lends. 

Huzza!  from  our  limbs  the  last  fetter  has  crumbled 
And  Mexico’s  pride  in  the  dust  has  been  humbled. 

A shout  from  the  banks  of  Jacinto’s  bright  waters 
Goes  up  with  the  roar  of  the  storm  and  the  blast; 
The  voice  of  her  sons  and  the  song  of  her  daughters, 
O’er  tyranny’s  chains  that  are  riven  at  last. 
Huzza!  never  more  will  our  Lone  Star  surrender 
While  a true  Texan  heart  is  left  to  defend  her. 

Then  bright  be  her  star  and  undimmed  be  the  splendor 
That  links  her  free  name  to  the  love  of  the  world, 

1From  the  Telegraph  and  Texas  Register,  April  3,  1844.  These 
verses  were  first  published  in  New  York,  January  30,  1844. 


220 


THE  REPUBLIC 


A brave 
man  is 
dead. 


And  long  as  one  spirit  is  left  to  defend  her 
Let  freedom’s  broad  banner  be  nobly  unfurled, 
While  the  lips  of  her  brave  and  her  beautiful  thunder, 
“No  tyrant  shall  trample  our  liberty  under.” 


62.  The  Keenest  Blade  at  San  Jacinto 

By  David  G.  Burnet  (1838) 

Colonel  Wharton,  a brother  of  William  H.  Wharton  (see  pages 
154,  161),  was  one  of  the  earliest  advocates  of  a declaration  of 
independence  from  Mexico,  and  took  a prominent  part  throughout 
the  revolution.  After  the  revolution  he  was  for  a time  secretary 
of  the  navy.  In  1838  he  was  a member  of  the  Texan  Congress, 
from  Brazoria.  It  was  in  this  year  that  he  died.1 

The  keenest  blade  on  the  field  of  San  Jacinto  is 
broken ! — the  brave,  the  generous,  the  talented  John 


The  President’s  Mansion  in  1837 

A.  Wharton  is  no  more!  His  poor  remains  lie  cold 
and  senseless  before  you,  wrapt  in  the  habiliments  of 

1This  speech  is  from  a newspaper  clipping  in  the  Austin  Papers, 
at  The  University  of  Texas. 


KEENEST  BLADE  AT  SAN  JACINTO  221 


the  grave.  A braver  heart  never  died.  A nobler 
soul,  more  deeply  imbued  with  the  pure  and  fervent 
spirit  of  patriotism,  never  passed  its  tenement  of  clay 
to  the  more  genial  realms  of  immortality.  He  was 
young  in  years,  and  at  the  very  threshold  of  his  fame ; 
and  still  it  is  a melancholy  truth,  to  which  every  heart 
in  this  assembly 
will  respond  in 
painful  accord- 
ance,  that  a 
mighty  man  has 
fallen  amongst  us. 

Many  princes  of 
the  earth  have  per- 
ished in  their 
prime,  surrounded 

The  First  Capitol,  at  Columbia  (1836) 

with  all  the  gor- 
geous splendors  of  wealth  and  power,  and  their  coun- 
try has  suffered  no  damage.  But  surely  it  will  be  en- 
graven on  the  tablets  of  our  history,  that  Texas  wept 
when  Wharton  died! 

The  brief  time  permitted  us  to  linger  about  his  un-  Renown 
1 ° at  San 

tenanted  form  is  insufficient  to  recite  the  testimonials  Jacinto, 
of  his  gallantry.  It  is  enough  to  say  that  he  was 
distinguished  on  the  field  of  San  Jacinto,  for  there 
were  no  recreants  there.  All  had  strung  their  chafed 
and  dauntless  spirits  to  the  high  resolve  of  liberty  or 
death.  And  he  who  could  make  himself  conspicuous 


222 


THE  REPUBLIC 


All  soldiers 
know  his 
worth. 


on  such  a battlefield  was  something  more  than  hero, 
a hero  among  heroes! — for  never  in  the  annals  of 
war  did  braver  hearts  or  stouter  hands  contend  for 
liberty. 

To  you,  soldiers,  he  was  endeared  by  many  ties. 
You  have  shared  with  him  the  toils  and  privations  of 

an  arduous  and 
protracted  cam- 
paign. You  have 
witnessed  his  de- 
votion to  his 
country.  You 
have  marked  his 
gallant  bearing, 
when  the  shock 
of  arms  first 
sounded  on  the 
plain,  and  the 
war  cry  of  “Alamo!”  carried  terror  and  dismay  into 
the  camp  of  the  bloody  homicides  of  Goliad.  Behold 
your  brother  in  arms!  a cold,  silent,  prostrate  corpse. 
No  more  shall  the  din  of  war  arouse  his  marital  spirit 
to  deeds  of  high  emprise.  That  lifeless  clay  would 
heed  it  not;  for  the  bright  spirit  that  lately  animated 
and  adorned  it  has  passed  triumphantly  beyond  the 
narrow  bourne  of  mortal  strifes  to  that  blessed  region 
where  “wars  and  rumors  of  wars  are  never  heard.” 
To  the  poor  he  was  kind,  generous,  and  “open  as 


THE  COUNCIL  HOUSE  FIGHT 


223 


day  in  melting  charity.”  To  the  weak  and  friend- 
less he  was  a ready  refuge  and  defense.  Of  him  it 
may  be  said  with  great  propriety,  in  the  language  of 
the  poet,  that: 

“All  the  oppressed  who  wanted  strength, 

Had  his  at  their  command.” 

1.  What  part  did  John  A.  Wharton  take  early  in  the  revolu- 
tion? 2.  What  office  did  he  fill  after  the  revolution?  3.  Make 
a list  of  the  good  qualities  assigned  to  him  by  Judge  Burnet. 


63.  The  Council  House  Fight 

By  Mrs.  Sam  A.  Maverick  (1840) 

Mrs.  Maverick,  who  wrote  this  story,1  came  to  Texas  in  1838. 
She  was  an  eye-witness  of  the  battle  which  she  here  describes. 
It  is  one  of  the  most  famous  conflicts  that  occurred  between  the 
Comanches  and  the  Texans. 

On  Tuesday,  March  19,  1840,  sixty-five  Comanches 
came  into  the  town  [San  Antonio]  to  make  a treaty. 
They  brought  with  them,  and  reluctantly  gave  up, 
Matilda  Lockhart,  whom  they  had  captured  with  her 
younger  sister,  in  December,  1838,  after  killing  two 
others  of  the  family.  The  Indian  chiefs  and  men 
proceeded  to  the  courthouse  where  they  met  the  city 
and  military  authorities.  Captain  Tom  Howard's 
company  was  at  first  in  the  courthouse  yard.  The 
Indian  women  and  boys  came  in  there,  too,  and  re- 

!From  William  Corner,  San  Antonio  de  Bexar. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  216-217. 


The  friend 
of  the 
friendless. 


The  council 
in  the  court 
house. 


224 


THE  REPUBLIC 


Target 

practice. 


The  Indians 
demand 
a ransom. 


It  is 
refused. 


mained  during  the  pow-wow.  The  young  Indians 
amused  themselves  shooting  arrows  at  pieces  of 
money  put  up  by  some  of  the  Americans. 

I went  over  to  Mrs.  Higginbotham’s,  whose  place 
adjoined  the  courthouse  yard,  and  we  watched  the 
young  savages  through  the  picket  fence. 

This  was  the  third  time  the  Indians  had  come  for 
a talk,  pretending  to  seek  peace  and  trying  to  get 
ransom  money  for  their  American  and  Mexican  cap- 
tives. Their  present  proposition  was  that  they  should 
be  paid  an  enormous  price  for  Matilda  Lockhart  and 
a Mexican  they  had  just  given  up,  and  that  traders 
be  sent  with  paint,  powder,  flannel,  blankets,  and  such 
other  articles  as  they  should  name,  to  ransom  the 
other  captives.  This  course  had  been  adopted  once 
before,  and  when  the  traders  reached  the  Indian  camp 
the  smallpox  broke  out  amongst  them.  They  killed 
the  traders,  saying  that  they  had  introduced  the  dis- 
ease to  kill  off  the  Indians.  After  the  slaughter  they 
retained  both  the  captives  and  the  goods. 

Now,  the  Americans  answered,  “We  will  keep  four 
or  five  of  your  chiefs,  and  the  others  of  you  shall  go 
to  your  nation  and  bring  all  the  captives  here;  then 
we  will  pay  all  you  ask  for  them.  Meanwhile,  the 
chiefs  that  we  hold  we  will  treat  as  brothers,  and  not 
one  hair  of  their  heads  shall  be  injured.  This  we 
have  determined  upon,  and  if  you  resist  our  soldiers 
will  shoot  you  down.” 


THE  COUNCIL  HOUSE  FIGHT 


225 


The  Comanches  instantly,  and  as  one  man,  raised 
a terrific  war-whoop,  drew  their  bows  and  arrows, 
and  commenced 
firing  with  deadly 
effect,  at  the 
same  time  trying 
to  break  out  of 
the  council  hall. 

The  order 
“Fire  !”  w a s 
given  by  Captain 
Howard,  and  the 
Soldiers  fired  into  An  Indian  Massacre 

the  midst  of  the 

crowd.  The  first  volley  killed  several  Indians  and 
two  of  our  own  people.  Soon  all  rushed  out  into  the 
public  square,  the  civilians  to  procure  arms,  the  In- 
dians to  escape,  and  the  soldiers  in  close  pursuit. 

The  Indians  generally  struck  out  for  the  river.  Sol- 
diers and  citizens  pursued  and  overtook  them  at  all 
points.  Some  were  shot  in  the  river  and  some  in  the 
streets.  Several  hand-to-hand  encounters  took  place, 
and  some  Indians  took  refuge  in  stone  houses  and 


closed  the  doors. 

When  the  deafening  war-whoop  sounded  in  the 

courtroom,  it  was  so  loud  and  shrill,  so  sudden  and 

inexpressibly  horrible,  that  we  women,  looking 

through  the  fence  cracks,  for  a moment  could  not 
15 


The  fight 
begins. 


The  flight 
and  pursuit. 


Even  the 
Indian 
boys  fight. 


226 


THE  REPUBLIC 


understand  its  meaning.  The  Indian  boys,  however, 
instantly  recognized  its  meaning,  and  turning  their 
arrows  upon  Judge  Robinson  and  other  gentlemen 
standing  near  by,  slew  the  judge  on  the  spot. 

A narrow  We  fled  precipitately,  Mrs.  Higginbotham  into  her 

6SC2tp6. 

house  and  I across  the  street  to  my  Commerce  Street 
door.  Two  Indians  rushed  by  me  on  Commerce 
Street,  and  another  reached  my  door  and  turned  to 
push  it  just  as  I slammed  it  to  and  beat  down  the 
heavy  bar. 

The  alarm.  I rushed  into  the  house  and  in  the  north  room  found 
my  husband  and  my  brother  Andrew  sitting  calmly 
at  a table  inspecting  some  plats  of  surveys.  They  had 
heard  nothing!  I soon  gave  them  the  alarm,  and 
hurried  by  to  look  after  my  boys.  Mr.  Maverick 
and  Andrew  seized  their  arms.  Mr.  Maverick  rushed 
into  the  street  and  Andrew  into  the  back  yard  where 
I was,  now  shouting  at  the  top  of  my  voice,  “Here 
are  Indians!  Here  are  Indians !” 

Brave  Three  Indians  had  gotten  in  through  the  gate  on 

Soledad  Street  and  were  making  towards  the  river. 
One  had  stopped  near  Jinny  Anderson,  our  cook,  who 
stood  bravely  in  front  of  the  children — mine  and  hers. 
She  held  a great  stone  in  her  hands,  lifted  above  her 
head,  and  I heard  her  cry  out  to  the  Indian,  “G’way 
from  heah,  or  I’ll  mash  your  head  with  this  rock!,, 
The  Indian  seemed  regretful  that  he  hadn’t  time  to 
dispatch  Jinny  and  her  brood;  but  his  time  was  short, 


AUSTIN  IN  mo 


227 


and,  pausing  but  a moment,  he  turned  and  rushed 
down  the  bank,  jumped  into  the  river,  and  struck  out 
for  the  opposite  shore. 

As  the  Indian  hurried  down  the  bank  my  brother  A g°od  sllot* 
ran  out  in  answer  to  my  calls.  While  the  Indian  was 
swimming,  Andrew  drew  his  unerring  bead  on  him. 

Another  Indian  was  climbing  the  opposite  bank  and 
was  about  to  escape,  but  Andrew  brought  him  down 
also.  Then  Andrew  rushed  up  Soledad  Street,  look- 
ing for  more  Indians. 

Not  one  of  the  sixty-five  Indians  escaped.  Thirty- 
three  were  killed  and  thirty-two  taken  prisoners. 

1.  What  was  the  cause  of  the  Council  House  fight?  2.  Do  you 
think  the  Texans  were  to  blame  in  bringing  on  the  fight?  3. 

How  many  Indians  were  killed?  4.  How  many  captured? 


64.  Austin  in  1840 

By  an  Immigrant. 

This  description1  tells  of  the  crude  beginnings  in  1840  of  what 
is  now  (1904)  a beautiful  city  of  twenty-five  thousand  inhabi- 
tants, and  the  site  of  a large  university  and  of  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  capitol  buildings  in  the  United  States. 

About  two  or  three  o’clock  we  came  in  sight  of  the  Buffalo  in 

tllG  CRpitft 

city  of  Austin,  the  new  capital  of  the  Republic.  The 
first  object  that  attracted  our  attention  was  a white 
house,  designated  as  the  residence  of  the  president. 

^rom  History  of  Texas , or  the  Emigrants’  Guide  to  the  New 
Republic,  61-64. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  221-222. 


228 


THE  EE  PUBLIC 


A beautiful 
spot. 


“On  that  spot,”  said  a traveler  on  horseback  by  our 
side,  pointing  to  the  president’s  house,  “I,  for  the 
first  time,  saw  a buffalo.  It  was  in  May  last,  and  he 
was  feeding  in  perfect  quietness.” 

The  city  commands  from  its  front  a fine  view  of 
a beautiful  prairie,  extending  to  the  Colorado  on  the 
south.  On  the  prairie  extending  more  than  half  a 
mile  from  east  to  west,  are  seen  clusters  of  small 
houses,  mostly  of  logs,  and  timbers  either  in  heaps 
or  just  begun  to  be  laid  as  foundations  of  future 
dwellings  and  places  of  business. 


Austin  in  1840 

In  a beautiful  valley,  extending  at  nearly  right 
angles  from  the  river,  some  distance  towards  the  ex- 
treme north  part  of  the  city,  is  a broad  street,  called 
Congress  Avenue,  passing  through  the  whole  extent 
of  the  contemplated  city.  On  this  street  are  erected 
temporary  accommodations  for  the  several  secretaries 


AUSTIN  IN  18JfO 


229 


and  heads  of  departments.  At  a little  to  the  west- 
ward and  nearly  opposite  the  mansion  of  the  presi- 
dent, stands  a neat  white  building,  at  present  occupied 
by  the  two  houses  of  congress.  Farther  south  on  the 
same  street,  and  not  far  from  the  center,  are  found 
the  hotels,  stores,  and  most  densely  built  part  of  the 
town. 

At  this  time  the  population  is  estimated  at  about 
one  thousand  souls,1  and  is  rapidly  increasing.  Some 
idea  of  the  mushroom  rapidity  of  its  growth  may  be 
formed  from  the  fact  that,  less  than  six  months  since, 
not  a stone  was  laid,  or  a blow  struck  upon  a piece 
of  timber,  nor  even  a tent  spread. 

Scattered  through  the  town  we  discovered  a num- 
ber of  Indians  who  seemed  to  have  visited  the  place 
for  purposes  of  trade,  as  some  of  their  horses  carried 
packs  of, buffalo  and  other  skins.  Their  dress  and 
appearance  betokened  little  resembling  refinement  or 
civilization.  Numbers  of  the  men  seemed  to  possess 
no  other  clothing  than  a slight  cloth  girdled  about 
their  waists.  They  were  said  to  be  Tonka  was  and 
Lipans,  two  small  tribes  who  are  generally  hostile  to 
the  Comanches,  and  of  course  friendly  with  the  whites. 
They  seem  to  be  regarded  with  but  little  respect  as 
enemies,  but  are  very  valuable  as  guides  and  scouts 
in  searching  for  the  trails  and  hiding  places  of  foes. 
The  friendly  relations  and  small  numbers  of  the  In- 


Rapid 

growth, 


Naked 
Indians 
in  town. 


^he  census  of  1850  gives  only  629  inhabitants  for  Austin. 


230 


THE  REPUBLIC 


dians  prevent  any  fear  from  them,  and  hence  they 
come  and  go  at  any  of  the  towns  and  settlements  with- 
out awakening  fear  or  suspicion. 

1.  When  was  the  city  of  Austin  founded  (see  Pennybacker, 
221)?  2.  Mention  some  of  the  crude  conditions  there  in  1840. 

3.  How  were  the  Lipan  and  Tonkawa  Indians  regarded  at  that 
time?  4.  Were  they  always  regarded  thus?  See  pages  104,  251. 
5.  Did  the  writer  of  this  piece  make  a careful  estimate  of  the 
size  of  Austin?  6.  Ask  a number  of  the  citizens  what  is  the  size 
of  your  own  town.  Compare  their  estimates  with  the  figures 
given  in  the  last  census  report. 


65.  Texiaii  Camp  Song1 

Writer  Unknown  (1841) 

This  poem  illustrates  the  spirit  of  many  of  the  volunteers  who 
came  from  the  United  States  during  and  after  the  revolution. 

Our  rifles  are  ready, 

And  ready  are  we; 

Neither  fear,  care,  nor  sorrow 
In  this  company. 

Our  rifles  are  ready 
To  welcome  the  foe, 

So  away  o’er  the  Sabine, 

For  Texas  we  go. 

For  Texas,  the  land 

Where  the  bright  rising  star 

Leads  to  beauty  in  peace, 

And  to  glory  in  war. 


^rom  the  Telegraph  and  Tensas  Register , February  3,  1841. 


TEXIAN  CAMP  SONG 


231 


With  aim  never  erring 

We  strike  down  the  deer, — 

We  chill  the  false  heart 
Of  the  Red  Man  with  fear. 

The  blood  of  the  Saxon 
Rolls  full  in  the  veins 
Of  the  lads  that  must  lord 
O’er  Mexico’s  plains — 

O’er  the  plains  where  the  breeze 
Of  the  South  woos  the  flowers, 
As  we  press  those  we  love 

In  their  sweet  summer  bowers. 

One  pledge  to  our  loves! 

When  the  battle  is  done, 

They  shall  share  the  broad  lands 
Which  the  rifle  has  won. 

No  tear  on  their  cheeks — 

Should  we  sleep  with  the  dead, 
There  are  rovers  to  follow 
Who  will  still  “go  ahead;” 
Who  will  still  “go  ahead” 

Where  the  bright,  rising  star 
Leads  to  beauty  in  peace, 

And  to  glory  in  war. 


232 


TEE  REPUBLIC 


From  Penn- 
sylvania 
to  Texas. 


Frontier 

dangers. 


66.  Captured  by  Comanches 

By  Rebecca  J.  Gilleland  Fisher  (1840) 

Mrs.-  Fisher,  who  here  tells  her  terrible  experience,  is  at  pres- 
ent (1904)  living  in  Austin.  Her  story1  illustrates  some  of  the 
dangers  of  frontier  life  in  early  Texas. 

My  parents,  Johnstone  and  Mary  Barbour  Gille- 
land, were  living  in  Pennsylvania,  surrounded  with 
everything  to  make  life  pleasant,  when  they  became 
so  enthusiastic  over  the  encouraging  reports  from 
Texas  that  they  concluded  to  join  the  excited  throng 
and  wend  their  way  to  this,  the  supposed  “Eldorado 
of  the  West.”  They  hastily,  and  at  great  sacrifice, 
disposed  of  their  property,  and,  leaving  their  home 
near  Philadelphia,  set  sail  for  Galveston  with  their 
three  children.  Not  being  used  to  the  hardships  and 
privations  of  frontier  life,  they  were  ill  prepared  for 
the  trials  which  awaited  them.  I know  not  the  date 
of  their  arrival.  They  moved  to  Refugio  county, 
near  Don  Carlos  Ranch,  which  proved  to  be  their  last 
earthly  habitation. 

My  father  belonged  to  Captain  Tumlinson’s  com- 
pany for  some  months,  and  when  not  in  active  war- 
fare was  engaged  in  protecting  his  own  and  other 
families,  removing  them  from  place  to  place  for  safety. 

xFrom  the  Quarterly  of  the  Texas  State  Historical  Association, 
III,  210-213. 


CAPTURED  BY  COMANCHES 


233 


They  frequently  had  to  flee  through  blinding  storms, 
cold  and  hungry,  to  escape  Indians  and  Mexicans. 
The  whole  country  was  in  a state  of  excitement. 
Families  were  in  constant  danger  and  had  to  be  ready 
at  any  moment  to  flee  for  their  lives. 

The  day  my  parents  were  murdered  was  one  of 
those  days  which  youth  and  old  age  so  much  enjoy. 
It  was  in  strange  contrast  to  the  tragedy  at  its  close. 
We  were  only  a few  rods  from  the  house.  Suddenly 
the  war  whoop  of  the  Comanche  burst  upon  our  ears, 
sending  terror  to  all  hearts.  My  father,  in  trying  to 
reach  the  house  for  weapons,  was  shot  down,  and 
near  him  my  mother,  clinging  to  her  children  and 
praying  God  to  spare  them,  was  also  murdered.  As 
she  pressed  us  to  her  heart  we  were  baptized  in  her 
precious  blood.  We  were  torn  from  her  dying  em- 
brace and  hurried  off  into  captivity,  the  chief’s  wife 
dragging  me  to  her  horse  and  clinging  to  me  with  a 
tenacious  grip.  She  was  at  first  savage  and  vicious 
looking,  but  from  some  cause  her  wicked  nature  soon 
relaxed,  and  folding  me  in  her  arms,  she  gently 
smoothed  back  my  hair,  indicating  that  she  was  very 
proud  of  her  suffering  victim.  A white  man  with  all 
the  cruel  instincts  of  the  savage  was  with  them.  Sev- 
eral times  they  threatened  to  cut  off  our  hands  and 
feet  if  we  did  not  stop  crying.  Then  the  woman,  in 
savage  tones  and  gestures,  would  scold,  and  they 
would  cease  their  cruel  threats.  We  were  captured 


The  attack 


A bad 
white  man 


234 


THE  REPUBLIC 


just  as  the  sun  was  setting  and  were  rescued  the  next 
morning. 

pursuit.  During  the  few  hours  we  were  their  prisoners,  the 
Indians  never  stopped.  Slowly  and  stealthily  they 
pushed  their  way  through  the  settlement  to  avoid  de- 
tection, and  just  as  they  halted  for  the  first  time  the 
soldiers  suddenly  came  upon  them,  and  firing  com- 
menced. As  the  battle  raged, 
the  Indians  were  forced  to 
take  flight.  Thereupon  they 
pierced  my  little  brother 
through  the  body,  and,  strik- 
ing me  with  some  sharp  in- 
strument on  the  side  of  the 
head,  they  left  us  for  dead, 
but  we  soon  recovered  suffi- 
ciently to  find  ourselves  alone 
in  that  dark,  dense  forest, 
wounded  and  covered  with 
blood. 

Having  been  taught  to  ask 
God  for  all  things,  we  prayed 
child’s  our  Heavenly  Father  to  take  care  of  us  and  direct 

us  out  of  that  lonely  place.  I lifted  my  wounded 
brother,  so  faint  and  weak,  and  we  soon  came  to  the 
edge  of  a large  prairie,  when  as  far  away  as  our 
swimming  eyes  could  see  we  discovered  a company 
of  horsemen.  Supposing  them  to  be  Indians,  fright- 


CAPTURED  BY  COMANCHES 


235 


ened  beyond  expression,  and  trembling  under  my 
heavy  burden,  I rushed  back  with  him  into  the  woods 
and  hid  behind  some  thick  brush.  But  those  brave 
men,  on  the  alert,  dashing  from  place  to  place,  at  last 
discovered  us.  Soon  we  heard  the  clatter  of  horses’ 
hoofs  and  the  voices  of  our  rescuers  calling  us  by 
name,  assuring  us  they  were  our  friends  who  had 
come  to  take  care  of  us.  Lifting  the  almost  uncon- 
scious little  sufferer,  I carried  him  out  to  them  as  best 
I could.  With  all  the  tenderness  of  women,  their 
eyes  suffused  with  tears,  those  good  men  raised  us  to 
their  saddles  and  hurried  off  to  camp,  where  we  re- 
ceived every  attention  and  kindness  that  man  could 
bestow. 

I was  seven  years  of  age  when  my  parents  were 
murdered.  Fifty-nine  years  have  passed  since  then, 
and  yet  my  heart  grows  faint  as  that  awful  time  passes 
in  review.  It  is  indelibly  stamped  upon  memory’s 
pages  and  photographed  so  deeply  upon  my  heart  that 
time  with  all  its  changes  can  never  erase  it. 

1.  What  State  did  Mrs.  Fisher’s  parents  come  from?  2. 
Study  pages  67,  74,  78,  79,  85,  87,  92,  107,  112,  116,  117,  139, 
154,  170,  and  then  name  the  different  States  therein  mentioned 
from  which  people  are  shown  to  have  come  to  Texas.  3.  Did 
they  all  come  from  the  South?  4.  What  were  some  of  Mr. 
Gilleland’s  occupations  after  he  came  to  Texas? 


The  rescue. 


An  awful 
memory. 


236 


THE  REPUBLIC 


In  search  of 
adventure. 


A better 
trade  route 
desired.  - 


67.  The  Santa  Fe  Expedition1 

By  George  Wilkins  Kendall  (1841) 

After  the  revolution,  Texas  claimed  that  her  territory  was 
bounded  on  the  west  by  the  Rio  Grande  as  far  as  its  source. 
This  boundary  would  have  given  her  the  richest  part  of  what  is 
now  New  Mexico.  Santa  Fe  was  the  most  important  town  in  this 
district,  and  President  Lamar  wanted  to  annex  it,  if  possible ; or, 
if  he  could  not  do  this,  he  wanted  to  establish  friendly  trading  re- 
lations with  it.  The  Mexicans  misunderstood  the  object  of  the 
expedition,  captured  a number  of  the  Texans,  and  carried  them 
to  Mexico,  where  they  were  put  in  prison. 

In  the  early  part  of  April,  1841,  I determined  upon 
making  a tour  of  some  kind  on  the  great  western 
prairies.  I was  moved  by  the  hope  of  correcting  a 
derangement  of  health,  and  by  a strong  desire  to  visit 
regions  inhabited  only  by  the  roaming  Indian,  as  well 
as  to  take  part  in  the  wild  excitement  of  buffalo  hunt- 
ing and  other  sports  of  the  border. 

While  canvassing  the  chances  and  merits  of  a trip 
of  this  kind,  I met  with  Major  George  T.  Howard, 
then  in  New  Orleans  purchasing  goods  for  the  Texan 
Santa  Fe  Expedition. 

Of  the  character  of  this  enterprise  I at  once  made 
inquiry.  Major  Howard  informed  me  that  it  was 
commercial  in  its  intentions,  the  policy  of  the  Presi- 
dent of  Texas  being  to  open  a direct  trade  with  Santa 
Fe  by  a route  known  to  be  much  nearer  than  the  great 


Trom  George  Wilkins  Kendall,  'Narrative  of  the  Texan  Santa 
Fe  Expedition,  13-21. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  220-221;  Garrison,  244-246. 


THE  SANTA  FE  EXPEDITION 


237 


Missouri  trail.  To  divert  this  trade  was  certainly  the 
primary  and  professed  object;  but  that  General  Lamar 
had  a further  intention — that  of  bringing  so  much  of 
New  Mexico  as  lies  upon  the  Texan  side  of  the  Rio 
Grande  under  the  protection  of  his  government — I 
did  not  know  until  I was  upon  the  march  to  Santa  Fe. 

He  was  led  to  think  of  this  plan  by  a well-founded 
belief  that  nine-tenths  of  the  inhabitants  were  discon- 
tented under  the  Mexican  yoke,  and  anxious  to  come 
under  the  protection  of  the  Texas  flag,  to  which  they 
really  owed  fealty.  The  causes  which  influenced  him 
in  this  belief  were  assurances  from  New  Mexico — 
positive  assurances — that  the  people  would  hail  the 
coming  of  an  expedition  with  gladness,  and  at  once 
declare  allegiance  to  the  Texan  government. 

Texas  claimed  as  her  western  boundary  the  Rio 
Grande;  the  inhabitants  within  that  boundary  claimed 
the  protection  of  Texas.  Was  it  anything  but  a duty, 
then,  for  the  chief  magistrate  of  Texas  to  afford  all 
its  citizens  such  assistance  as  was  in  his  power? 

The  time  had  now  arrived,  so  thought  the  rulers 
of  Texas,  when  the  citizens  of  her  farthest  borders 
should  be  brought  into  the  common  fold — and,  with 
the  full  belief  in  their  readiness  and  willingness  for 
the  movement,  the  Texan  Santa  Fe  Expedition  was 
originated.  On  its  arrival  at  the  destined  point,  should 
the  inhabitants  really  show  a disposition  to  declare 
allegiance  to  Texas,  the  flag  of  the  single  star  Re- 


Discontent 
in  New 
Mexico. 


Texas 
but  claims 
her  own. 


No  hostile 
intentions. 


238 


THE  REPUBLIC 


An  erro- 
neous 
notion. 


public  was  to  be  raised  on  the  government  house 
at  Santa  Fe;  but  if  not,  the  Texan  commissioners 
were  merely  to  make  such  arrangements  with  the 
authorities  as  would  best  tend  to  the  opening  of  trade, 
and  then  retire.  The  idea,  which  has  obtained  belief 
to  some  extent  in  the  United  States,  that  the  first 
Texan  Santa  Fe  pioneers  were  but  a company  of 
marauders  sent  to  burn,  slay  and  destroy  in  a foreign 
and  hostile  country,  is  so  absurd  as  not  to  require  con- 
tradiction. The  attempt  to  conquer  a province,  num- 
bering some  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  inhab- 
itants, was  a shade  too  quixotic  to  find  favor  in  the 
eyes  of  the  three  hundred  and  twenty  odd  pioneers 
who  left  Texas,  encumbered  with  wagons,  merchan- 
dise, and  the  implements  of  their  different  trades  and 
callings. 

The  expedition  was  unfortunate,  and,  as  a natural 
consequence,  the  censorious  world  has  said  that  it  was 
conceived  in  unwise  policy. 


1.  What  did  Major  Howard  claim  was  the  object  of  the  Santa 
Fe  Expedition  ? 2.  What  other  object  did  President  Lamar 

have  ? 3.  What  reasons  had  he  for  thinking  that  his  plan  wTould 

succeed?  4.  What  incorrect  notion  of  the  purposes  of  the  expe- 
dition have  some  people  had? 


A WESTERN  LEATHER  STOCKING  239 


68.  A Western  Leather  Stocking 

By  George  Wilkins  Kendall  (1841) 

Mr.  Kendall  here  describes  one  type  of  Western  frontiersmen 
of  early  days.1 

While  “nooning”  on  our  third  day’s  march  from 
San  Antonio,  I set  off,  in  company  with  an  original 
chap  named  Tom  Hancock,  in  the  hope  of  being  able 
to  kill  a deer.  This  fellow  Hancock  was  a perfect 
“character,”  as  much  so  as  the  celebrated  Leather 
Stocking  of  Cooper’s  novels. 

In  person  he  was  spare  and  gaunt,  with  a loose, 
shambling  carriage  of  body  that  ill  betokened  the  firm- 
set  muscles  and  iron  powers  of  endurance  he  really 
possessed.  When  standing  erect,  his  height  may 
have  been  five  feet  seven  or  eight  inches;  but  he  had 
a lazy,  listless  stoop,  which  shortened  his  stature  two 
or  three  inches  and  gave  him  the  appearance  of  being 
mis-shapen  and  round  shouldered.  His  limbs  were  any- 
thing but  symmetrical,  and  seemed  to  hang  dangling 
about  him — this  on  ordinary  occasions;  but  when  his 
muscles  were  nerved,  and  his  body  straightened  in  the 
excitement  of  adventure,  it  was  then  that  Tom  ap- 
peared in  his  true  light,  a wiry,  knotted  embodiment 
of  action,  power,  and  determination. 

Decidedly  the  best  point  about  him  was  his  eye,  a 
small,  twinkling  orb,  of  no  definable  color,  but  which 
never  allowed  any  object  within  the  farthest  reach  of 

^rom  Kendall,  The  Santa  Fe  Expedition,  52-54. 


Tom 

Hancock. 


His  figure. 


His 

keen  eye. 


240 


THE  REPUBLIC 


His  skill. 


His  exciting 
adventures. 


human  vision  to  pass  unnoticed.  And  yet,  one  might 
journey  with  him  for  days  and  never  suppose  that 
he  was  looking  at  or  for  anything.  But  not  a foot- 
print, not  a trail,  escaped  the  notice  of  that  quiet,  roll- 
ing eye.  Tom  could  tell  you  the  animal  that  made  it, 
the  direction  in  which  it  was  going,  and  the  time  that 
had  elapsed  since  it  was  impressed  upon  the  surface 
of  the  prairie. 

In  every  species  of  backwoods,  border,  and  prairie 
strategy,  Hancock  had  his  gifts,  and  they  were  such 
as  have  been  vouchsafed  to  but  few.  An  Indian  he 
could  circumvent  and  out-maneuver  at  his  own  games ; 
and  at  killing  every  kind  of  animal  known  in  the 
woods  or  on  the  prairies,  at  fishing,  or  at  “lining” 
bees,  the  oldest  and  best  hunters  acknowledged  Tom’s 
supremacy.  He  could  lie  closer  to  the  ground,  creep 
farther,  expose  less  of  his  person,  and  get  nearer  deer, 
bear,  buffalo,  or  an  enemy’s  camp,  than  any  other  man. 
These  qualities  made  him  invaluable,  not  only  as  a 
mere  provider  of  meat  for  camp,  but  as  a spy. 

He  had  been  in  frays  numberless  with  the  Mexicans, 
as  well  as  Indians,  and  invariably  performed  some 
exploit  that  would  furnish  his  companions  with  a 
topic  for  conversation.  He  had  been  a prisoner  among 
the  Comanches,  but  had  got  away  from  them — indeed, 
had  made  hairbreadth  ’scapes  innumerable.  Yet  he 
never,  on  any  occasion,  boasted  of  his  feats — never 
even  spoke  of  them. 

Tom’s  ordinary  weapon,  and  the  one  upon  which 


A WESTERN  LEATHER  STOCKING  241 


he  most  prided  himself,  was  a long,  heavy,  flintlock 
rifle  of  plain  and  old-fashioned  workmanship,  for  he 
could  not  be  made  to  believe  in  percussion  caps  and 
other  modern  improvements. 

Such  is  a rough  and  imperfect  picture  of  Tom  Han- 
cock— of  one  nurtured  amid  the  solitudes  of  the  woods 
and  prairies — whose  days  had  been  spent  in  the  ex- 
citements and  dangers  of  the  chase  or  of  Indian  frays, 
and  whose  nights  had  been  passed  amid  serenades  of 
wolves  and  owls.  He  had  been  hired  at  San  Antonio 
by  Mr.  Falconer — not  as  his  servant,  for  Tom  would 
scorn  being  the  washer  of  dishes  or  brusher  of  clothes 
for  any  man — but  simply  to  accompany  the  Santa  Fe 
Expedition.  His  obligations  to  Mr.  Falconer  ex- 
tended this  far — he  was  to  find  him  if  lost,  and  to 
keep  him  in  provisions  should  other  supplies  fail. 

1.  Describe  Tom  Hancock’s  appearance.  2.  Tell  about  his 
keen  sight.  3.  His  prowess.  4.  His  gun.  5.  His  pride. 


69.  Old  Time  Schools  in  Texas 

By  M.  M.  Kenney  (1835-1842)1 

The  first  school  that  I remember,  though  I did  not 
attend  it,  was  in  Austin’s  colony  in  1835.  It  was 
taught  by  an  Irishman  named  Cahill.  My  older 
brother  was  one  of  the  pupils  of  that  primitive  acad- 
emy. It  was  distant  about  two  miles  from  our  house, 

JFrom  the  Quarterly  of  the  Texas  State  Historical  Association, 
I,  285-296. 

16 


His  old 
flintlock. 


A queer 
contract. 


Two  miles 
through 
the  woods. 


242 


THE  REPUBLIC 


An  arith- 
metic 
lesson. 


Mr.  Dyas’s 
school. 


An  Old  School  House 


and  the  way  was  through  the  woods  without  any  road 
or  path.  When  he  started  to  school,  our  father  was 
absent  and  mother  went  with  him,  carrying  a hatchet 
to  blaze  the  way. 

Of  the  discipline  of  the  school  and  its  studies,  I 
only  know  that  my  brother,  in  relating  the  experience 

of  several  of 
the  boys,  made 
the  impression 
on  me  that  the 
rod  was  not 
spared.  My  re- 
collection of  the 
books  is  reduced 
to  the  aritmethic.  In  this  the  primitive  rules  were 
illustrated  by  engravings;  that  for  subtraction  being 
a bunch  of  grapes,  showing  in  successive  pictures  how, 
after  eating  two,  three,  etc.,  so  many  remained. 
Thinking  that  this  must  have  been  the  work  of  a 
little  boy  like  myself,  I put  the  lesson  into  practice 
by  purloining  from  a basket  of  “forbidden  fruit”  and 
then  producing  the  arithmetic  as  authority  for  the 
appropriation — a sally  which  mother  allowed  to  con- 
done the  little  sin. 

The  next  school  was  at  the  same  place  in  1838  or 
1839,  taught  by  Mr.  Dyas,  an  old  Irish  gentleman, 
and  I think  a regular  teacher  by  profession.  The 
session  was  three  or  four  months  and  the  studies  mis- 


OLD-TIME  SCHOOLS 


243 


cellaneous,  but  the  discipline  was  exact.  He  had  an 
assortment  of  switches  set  in  grim  array  over  the 
great  opening  where  the  chimney  was  to  be  when  the 
school  house  should  be  completed.  On  one  side  was 
the  row  for  little  boys,  small  straight  and  elastic,  from 
a kind  of  tree  which  furnished  Indians  with  arrows 


Main  Building,  The  University  of  Texas 

and  the  schoolmaster  with  switches  at  the  same  time. 

I remember  thinking  of  the  feasibility  of  destroying 
all  that  kind  of  timber  growing  near  the  school  house. 

My* terror  was  a little  red  switch  in  that  rank  which  ^.®®^egd 
I caught  too  often,  usually  for  the  offense  of  laughing. 

The  larger  switches  were  graded,  partly  by  the  size 
of  the  boys  and  partly  by  the  gravity  of  the  offense, 
the  gravest  of  which  was  an  imperfect  lesson.  The 
third  size  of  rods  was  of  hickory,  tough  sticks,  which 


244 


THE  REPUBLIC 


he  did  not  use  on  little  boys,  but  which  he  did  use  on 
the  larger  scholars,  without  the  least  hesitation  or  re- 
serve, if  they  failed  to  get  the  appointed  lesson, 
picture  As  for  the  studies,  we  all  had  Webster’s  spelling 
book,  and  were  classed  according  to  our  proficiency 
in  that  great  classic.  The  last  few  pages  contained 
some  stories  and  fables,  intended  for  reading  lessons. 
They  were  illustrated,  and  the  last  one  had  a picture 
of  a wolf,  by  some  accident  well  executed — a fact 
which  tended  to  establish  the  book  in  our  estimation, 
because  we  saw  wolves  every  day.  “The  picture  of 
the  wolf  in  the  spelling  book”  thus  became  the  syno- 
nym of  graduation.  Whether  it  originated  with  us  or 
not  I do  not  know,  but  the  expression  was  long  used 
in  a humorous  sense  as  equivalent  to  a diploma,  and 
when  it  was  said  of  a boy  that  he  had  studied  to  “the 
picture  of  the  wolf  in  the  spelling  book”  nis  ability 
was  not  afterward  questioned. 

Dks  used.  The  pupils  brought  such  books  as  they  happened 
to  have,  and  one  young  man  had  Robinson  Crusoe 
for  his  reading  book.  His  readings  interested  me 
greatly,  but  I fear  that  my  attention  was  given  to  the 
adventures  of  Crusoe  rather  than  to  the  teacher’s  pre- 
cepts for  reading  well.  Several  had  Weems’s  Life 
of  Washington,  in  which  the  story  of  the  little  hatchet 
and  the  cherry  tree  was  most  impressed  upon  our 
memory.  There  were  no  classes  in  arithmetic.  Each 
boy  ciphered  through  his  textbook  as  fast  as  he  could, 
and  the  stern  teacher  pointed  to  the  errors  with  the 


OLD-TIME  SCHOOLS 


245 


switch  held  like  a pen,  and  a wag  of  the  head  that 
meant  correction. 

We  walked  morning  and  evening  to  school,  carry- 
ing our  dinners  in  tin  pails,  and  milk  in  a variety  of 
bottles.  Some  had  clear  glass,  some  green  glass  wine 
bottles,  and  some  black  or  junk  bottles.  A conten- 
tion having  arisen  among  the  boys  as  to  the  relative 
strength  of  these  wares,  it  was  submitted  to  the  test 
of  striking  the  bottles  together,  the  boys  whose  bot- 
tles were  broken  admitting  defeat — which,  in  some 
vague  way,  I thought  involved  humiliation — while 
the  boys  whose  bottles  survived  the  conflict  vaunted 
their  victories.  Bottles  were  of  vastly  more  value 
then  than  now,  and  some  of  the  small  boys  having 
cried  about  their  loss,  brought  in  the  teacher  with  his 
switches  to  umpire  the  game,  and  he  decided  to  ad- 
minister impartial  fate. 

The  Robinson  Crusoe  boy,  of  whom  I have  spoken, 
one  day  took  it  into  his  head  to  teach  us  some  arith- 
metic. There  were  five  cows  grazing  by  the  side  of 
the  path,  and  he  maintained  that  there  were  fourteen, 
proving  it  in  this  way:  There  are  four  in  a bunch 

on  the  right  and  one  by  itself  on  the  left;  four  on 
the  right  and  one  on  the  left  make  fourteen.  We 
admitted  the  correctness  of  the  numeration  in  the  ab- 
stract, but  could  not  see  the  cows  in  the  concrete. 
“Well,”  said  he,  “apply  your  arithmetic;  when  you 
buy  cattle  count  in  the  old  way,  but  when  you  sell 
cattle  numerate  them.” 


Milk 

bottles. 


Another 

arithmetic 

lesson. 


246 


THE  REPUBLIC 


A fine 
school 
house. 


“Singing 

geog- 

raphy.” 


In  the  fall  and  winter  of  1841  and  1842  another 
school  house  materialized  as  far  to  the  east  as  the 
other  was  to  the  west,  nearly  two  miles  from  home.  It 
was  a neat  log  house  in  a grove  in  the  prairie,  with 
no  spring  near,  but  the  patrons  substituted  a well. 
The  house  was  an  improvement  on  the  other,  in  that 
it  had  shutters  to  windows  and  door;  glass  was  still 
far  in  the  future.  We  had  also  a chimney  and  wide 
fireplace  where  we  kept  a roaring  log  heap  in  cold 
weather,  when  the  neighbors  brought  wood  on  their 
wagons  (which  they  did  turn  about),  and  a flaming, 
crackling  brush  heap  when  we  had  to  bring  fuel  by 
hand  from  the  neighboring  woods. 

Our  teacher  tried  to  teach  mental  arithmetic  orally 
to  the  school,  assembled,  as  the  legislative  journals 
say,  “in  committee  of  the  whole.”  The  teaching  was 
carried  on  by  sudden  questions,  which  we  were  ex- 
pected to  answer  in  the  style  of  an  exclamation.  He 
was  more  successful  with  his  singing  geography, 
where,  beginning  at  Baffin’s  Bay  and  going  south 
around  the  continents  of  the  western  hemisphere,  the 
names  of  all  the  bays  were  chanted  in  a unity  of  dis- 
cord and  loud  voices,  the  pupils  following  with  finger 
on  map,  and  the  chant  continuing  until  the  last  one 
had  found  the  bay  as  well  as  the  name.  Then  fol- 
lowed the  capes,  islands,  mountains,  rivers,  etc. 

1.  Describe  a primitive  Texas  school  house.  2.  Name  some  of 
the  books  used.  3.  How  were  spelling  and  arithmetic  taught? 
4.  What  readers  were  used?  5.  What  is  meant  by  “singing” 
geography?  6.  Compare  this  school  with  the  one  you  attend. 
7.  Notice  the  contrast  between  the  two  school  buildings  shown 
in  the  pictures. 


UP,  MEN  OF  TEXAS 


247 


70.  Up,  Men  of  Texas,  to  the  Fight 

Writer  Unknown  (1842) 

These  verses1  were  written  at  Richmond,  Texas,  March  27, 
1842,  the  anniversary  of  Fannin’s  massacre.  They  were  oc- 
casioned by  some  raids  which  the  Mexicans  had  just  made  on  San 
Antonio  and  Goliad. 

Ye  men  of  Texas,  can  you  see 

Your  swarthy  foemen  coming  on, 

And  know  that  God  has  made  you  free, 

By  San  Jacinto’s  battle  won? 

Can  you  look  on  with  careless  eye, 

Regardless  of  your  sacred  right, 

Or  strive  a shameless  peace  to  buy? 

Up,  men  of  Texas,  to  the  fight! 

Oh,  bitter  shame,  and  deep  disgrace! 

Shall  Texas’  star  e'er  sink  so  low, 

That  you  should  fear  such  foes  to  face, 
Forgetful  of  the  Alamo? 

Or  offer,  coward  like,  to  pay 

Five  millions  for  your  conquered  right? 
Rouse,  rouse  your  minds  without  delay. 

Up,  men  of  Texas,  to  the  fight! 

Ye  strove  before  in  honored  time, 

And  well  your  rifles  told  the  tale, 

Will  Texians  now  yield  up  their  clime, 

Or  let  their  noble  courage  fail? 

'From  the  Telegraph  and  Texas  Register,  March  30,  1842. 
Read:  Pennybacker,  222-225;  Garrison,  246-47. 


‘248 


THE  REPUBLIC 


A pioneer 
settlement. 


Remember  well  the  Alamo; 

And  let  the  name  your  souls  unite 
To  deal  destruction  on  the  foe. 

Up,  men  of  Texas,  to  the  fight! 

Arouse!  arouse!  your  flag’s  unfurled; 

Seek  victory  or  win  your  graves. 

Show  proudly  forth  to  all  the  world, 

That  Texians  never  can  be  slaves. 

Oh!  let  the  memory  of  the  past 
To  noble  deeds  your  souls  incite; 

Be  firm,  be  valiant  to  the  last. 

Up,  men  of  Texas,  to  the  fight! 

1.  What  was  the  occasion  of  these  lines?  2.  Explain  as  many 
as  you  can  of  the  references  in  this  poem  to  events  in  Texas 
history. 


71.  An  Awful  Christmas  Morning 

By  Governor  J.  W.  Throckmorton  (1842) 

The  scene  of  this  adventure  is  near  the  present  town  of  McKin- 
ney. It  is  a typical  frontier  experience.1 

In  December,  1842,  Wesley  Clements,  Sam  Young, 
and  a Mr.  Whistler,  with  their  families,  made  a set- 
tlement on  Honey  Creek,  seven  or  eight  miles  north- 
west of  the  Throckmorton  neighborhood  [near  the 
present  town  of  McKinney].  After  the  construction 
of  one  cabin,  Young  returned  to  the  old  home  for 
provisions. 

1From  A Comprehensive  History  of  Texas , I,  602-603. 


AN  AWFUL  CHRISTMAS  MORNING  249 


On  Christmas  morning  the  two  men  went  to  work 
not  very  far  from  the  house  to  cut  logs  for  another 
cabin.  It  seems  that  the  Indians  had  discovered  them 
and  were  ambushed,  ready  to  attack  them.  Whistler 
was  shot  down  and  instantly  killed.  Clements  es- 
caped and  got  within  forty  or  fifty  yards  of  the  cabin, 
when  he  was  confronted  by  two  Indians  who  had 
crept  up  to  attack  the  women  and  children.  While 
still  engaged  with  these  Indians  in  a hand-to-hand 
conflict  the  pursuing  party  arrived  and  cleft  his  head 
with  a hatchet. 

His  wife  had  started  to  his  assistance  with  a rifle 
when  he  fell.  She  returned  to  the  house  pursued  by 
the  Indians.  On  her  entrance  Mrs.  Young  closed  the 
door,  and  Mrs.  Clements  presented  the  gun  at  the 
Indians  through  the  crevices  between  the  logs.  From 
this  cause,  or  fearing  that  help  might  be  near  at  hand, 
the  Indians,  after  scalping  the  dead  man,  quickly  dis- 
appeared. 

Before  the  attack  was  made,  Mrs.  Whistler  had 
gone  to  the  spring  for  water.  As  soon  as  she  heard 
the  shooting  and  the  screams  of  the  women,  she  knew 
it  was  an  attack.  She  did  not  doubt  that  all  were 
killed;  and  jumped  in  the  branch,  so  that  the  Indians 
could  not  trail  her  footprints,  and  followed  it  to  the 
creek.  There  she  found  that  the  backwater  from  the 
creek  had  formed  a drift  of  wood.  At  that  moment 
she  heard  a bell  coming  towards  her,  and,  realizing 
that  the  Indians  were  in  pursuit  of  the  animal  wear- 


The  am- 
buscade. 


A terrible 
situation. 


A narrow 
escape. 


250 


THE  REPUBLIC 


The  flight. 


Companions 
in  misfor- 
tune. 


ing  it,  she  hastily  hid  herself  beneath  the  drift,  with 
only  her  head  above  the  water.  She  saw  the  Indians 
catch  her  husband’s  mare  not  twenty  yards  away. 

Hearing  no  other  noise,  and  still  fearing  she  might 
be  pursued,  she  attempted  to  follow  the  bed  of  the 

creek  in  order  to 
make  her  escape. 
But  the  waters 
were  too  deep, 
and  she  was  com- 
pelled to  make 
her  way  through 
briers  and  dense 
thickets.  Late  in 
the  evening  she 
reached  Throck- 
morton’s settle- 
m e n t,  entirely 
destitute  of  cloth- 
ing, and  bleeding 
from  hundreds  of 
wounds  on  her 
person,  made  by  thorns  and  brush  in  her  wild  and 
reckless  efforts  to  get  through  them. 

The  other  two  women  remained  in  the  house  some 
time  after  the  attack,  and  then  took  their  children,  a 
gun,  and  an  axe,  and  followed  the  road  made  by  their 
party  in  going  to  the  place.  At  the  creek  they  met 


A Western  Fort 


THE  DEATH  OF  FLACO 


251 


two  men  camped  on  the  banks  of  the  stream.  These 
men  brought  them  in  their  wagon  to  the  settlement. 
There,  to  the  surprise  of  all  three,  the  unfortunate 
women  met. 

The  next  morning  seven  men  only  could  be  spared 
to  go  after  the  remains  of  the  dead  men  and  the  house- 
hold effects  of  their  families.  They  brought  the 
bodies  and  buried  them  near  the  graves  of  Silkwood 
and  Thompson,  and  thus  was  begun  the  first  grave- 
yard in  Collin  county.  The  coffins  were  hewn  from 
slabs  split  from  large  trees. 

1.  Compare  this  account  with  other  stories  of  Indian  massa- 
cres (see  pages  232,  — ).  2.  Tell  how  Mrs.  Whistler  escaped.  3. 

How  were  coffins  made  in  the  frontier  settlements? 


72.  The  Death  of  Flaco. 

By  Sam  Houston  (1843)1 

Flaco  was  chief  of  the  friendly  Lipan  Indians,  and  was  some- 
times used  by  the  Texans  as  a scout.1 

Executive  Department, 
Washington,  March  28,  1843. 

To  the  Lipans. 

My  Brothers:  My  heart  is  sad.  A dark  cloud 

rests  upon  your  nation.  Grief  has  sounded  in  your 
camp.  The  voice  of  Flaco  is  silent.  His  words  are 
not  heard  in  council.  The  chief  is  no  more.  His 
life  has  fled  to  the  Great  Spirit.  His  eyes  are  closed. 

1From  Crane,  Life  and  Literary  Remains  of  Sam  Houston,  339- 
340. 


The  first 
cemetery. 


Flaco  ig 
dead. 


252 


THE  EE  PUBLIC 


He  was  a 
od  man. 


The  white 
people  will 
not  forget 
him. 


His  heart  no  longer  leaps  at  the  sight  of  the  buffalo! 
The  voices  of  your  camp  are  no  longer  heard  to  cry, 
“Flaco  has  returned  from  the  chase!”  Your  chiefs 
look  down  on  the  earth  and  groan  in  trouble.  Your 
warriors  weep.  The  loud  voice  of  grief  is  heard 
from  your  women  and  children.  The  song  of  birds 
is  silent.  The  ear  of  your  people  hears  no  pleasant 
sound.  Sorrow  whispers  in  the  winds.  The  noise 
of  the  tempest  passes — it  is  not  heard.  Your  hearts 
are  heavy. 

The  name  of  Flaco  brought  joy  to  all  hearts.  Joy 
was  on  every  face ! Your  people  were  happy.  Flaco 
is  no  longer  seen  in  the  fight;  his  voice  is  no  longer 
heard  in  battle;  the  enemy  no  longer  make  a path 
for  his  glory  ; his  valor  is  no  longer  a guard  for  your 
people;  the  right  arm  of  your  nation  is  broken.  Flaco 
was  a friend  to  his  white  brothers.  They  will  not 
forget  him.  They  will  remember  the  red  warrior. 
His  father  will  not  be  forgotten.  We  will  be  kind  to 
the  Lipans.  Grass  shall  not  grow  in  the  path  between 
us.  Let  your  wise  men  give  the  council  of  peace. 
Let  your  young  men  walk  in  the  white  path.  The 
grayheaded  men  of  your  nation  will  teach  wisdom. 
I will  hold  my  red  brothers  by  the  hand. 

Thy  brother, 

Sam  Houston. 

1.  Who  was  Flaco?  2.  What  is  said  in  another  piece  of  the 
Lipans  (see  page  229)  ? 3.  How  did  General  Houston  learn  to 

write  in  Indian  style?  4.  What  does  he  urge  the  Lipans  to  do? 
5.  What  promise  does  he  make  them? 


DRAWING  THE  BLACK  BEANS 


253 


73.  Drawing  the  Black  Beans 

By  Thomas  J.  Green  (1843) 

After  the  Santa  Fe  Expedition,  the  Mexicans  made  several 
raids  into  Texas.  At  this  Texans  were  angered,  and  President 
Houston  called  for  volunteers  to  invade  and  punish  Mexico. 
General  Somervell,  who  led  the  troops,  went  as  far  as  the  Rio 
Grande,  and  then  turned  back.  About  three  hundred  of  his  men, 
however,  refused  to  give  up  the  raid.  They  chose  Colonel  Fisher 
for  their  leader  and  pushed  on  to  Mier,  a town  in  Mexico.  Here, 
on  the  day  after  Christmas,  1842,  a battle  was  fought  with  two 
thousand  Mexicans.  The  Texans,  though  they  did  not  know  it 
at  the  time,  had  almost  won  the  day  when  they,  themselves,  sur- 
rendered and  were  marched  as  prisoners  toward  Mexico  City. 
When  they  reached  Salado  they  mutinied  and  escaped,  but  after 
nearly  starving  in  the  mountains,  they  were  recaptured,  taken 
back  to  Salado,  the  scene  of  their  mutiny,  and  one-tenth  of  them 
were  shot.  The  rest  were  taken  to  Mexico  and  imprisoned  in  the 
castle  of  Perote.  General  Green,  who  tells  the  following  story,1 
was  one  of  the  prisoners  who  was  so  fortunate  as  to  draw  a white 
bean  and  escape  a sad  fate. 

Soon  after  they  arrived,  our  men  received  the 
melancholy  intelligence  that  they  were  to  be  decimated, 
and  each  tenth  man  shot. 

It  was  now  too  late  to  resist  this  horrible  order. 
Our  men  were  closely  ironed  and  drawn  up  in  front 
of  all  their  guards,  who  were  in  readiness  to  fire. 
Could  they  have  known  it  previously,  they  would  have 
again  charged  their  guards,  and  made  them  pay  dearly 
for  this  last  breach  of  faith.  It  was  now  too  late ! 
A manly  gloom  and  a proud  defiance  filled  all  faces. 


Bai>  news. 


Too  late  to 
resist. 


Trom  Green,  The  Mier  Expedition,  168-175. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  227-232;  Garrison,  248-250. 


254 


THE  REPUBLIC 


The  “Red- 
caps.” 


Life  or 
death. 


They  had  but  one  resort,  and  that  was  to  invoke  their 
country’s  vengeance  upon  their  murderers,  consign 
their  souls  to  God,  and  die  like  men. 

The  decimator,  Colonel  Domingo  Huerta  [Wher'- 
ta],  who  was  especially  nominated  to  this  black  deed, 
had  arrived  at  Salado  ahead  of  our  men.  The  “Red- 
cap” company  were  to  be  the  executioners ; those  men 
whose  lives  had  been  so  humanely  spared  by  our  men 
at  this  place  on  the  nth  of  February. 

The  decimation  took  place  by  the  drawing  of  black 
and  white  beans  from  a small  earthen  mug.  The 
white  ones  signified  life , and  the  black  death.  One 
hundred  and  fifty-nine  white  beans  were  placed  in 
the  bottom  of  the  mug  with  seventeen  black  ones 
upon  the  top  of  them.  The  beans  were  not  stirred, 
and  had  so  slight  a shake  that  it  was  perfectly  clear 
that  they  had  not  been  mixed  together.  Such  was 
their  anxiety  to  execute  Captain  Cameron,  and  per- 
haps the  balance  of  the  officers,  that  first  Cameron, 
and  afterward  the  other  officers,  were  made  to  draw 
a bean  each  from  the  mug  in  this  condition. 

Cameron  said,  with  his  usual  coolness,  “Well,  boys, 
we  have  to  draw,  let’s  be  at  it;”  so  saying,  he  thrust 
his  hand  into  the  mug,  and  drew  out  a white  bean. 
Next  came  Colonel  Wilson,  who  was  chained  to  him; 
then  Captain  Ryan,  and  then  Judge  Gibson,  all  of 
whom  drew  white  beans.  Next  came  Captain  East- 
land,  who  drew  the  first  black  one,  and  then  came  the 


DRAWING  THE  BLACK  BEANS 


255 


balance  of  the  men.  The  knocking  off  the  irons  from 

the  unfortunates  alone  told  who  they  were. 

They  all  drew  their  beans  with  that  manly  dignity  Cheerful  in 
J the  face  of 

and  firmness  which  showed  them  superior  to  their  death. 

condition.  None  showed  change  of  countenance;  and 

as  the  black  beans  failed  to  depress,  so  did  the  white 

ones  fail  to  elate.  Some  of  lighter  temper  jested 

over  the  tragedy.  One  would  say,  “Boys,  this  beats 


Drawing  the  Black  Beans 


raffling  all  to  pieces;”  another  would  say,  “This  is 
the  tallest  gambling  scrape  I ever  was  in.” 

Major  Cocke,  when  he  first  drew  the  fatal  bean,  A prize, 
held  it  up  between  his  fore-finger  and  thumb,  and 
with  a smile  of  contempt  said,  “Boys,  I told  you  so; 

I never  failed  in  my  life  to  draw  a prize.” 


256 


THE  REPUBLIC 


Farewell. 


Cruelty 

refined. 


Soon  after,  the  fated  men  were  placed  in  a separate 
courtyard,  where  about  dark  they  were  executed. 
Several  of  our  men  were  permitted  to  visit  the  un- 
fortunates to  receive  their  dying  requests. 

Just  previous  to  the  firing  they  were  bound  together 
with  cords,  and  their  eyes  being  bandaged,  they  were 
set  upon  a log  near  the  wall  with  their  backs  to  the 
executioners.  They  all  begged  the  officer  to  shoot 
them  in  front  and  at  a short  distance.  This  he  re- 
fused ; and,  to  make  his  cruelty  as  refined  as  possible, 
he  fired  at  several  paces. 

During  the  martyrdom  of  these  patriots  the  main 
body  of  our  men  were  separated  from  them  by  a stone 
wall  some  fifteen  feet  high.  The  next  morning,  as 
they  were  marched  on  the  road  to  Mexico,  they  passed 
the  bodies  of  their  dead  comrades,  whose  bones  now 
lie  upon  the  plains  of  Salado,  a perishing  remembrance 
of  exalted  patriotism. 

1.  What  was  the  object  of  the  Mier  Expedition?  2.  How 
many  Texans  were  engaged  in  the  battle  of  Mier?  How  many 
Mexicans?  3.  Describe  the  drawing  of  the  beans.  4.  How  did 
the  Texans  show  their  bravery? 


TEXANS  IN  A MEXICAN  PRISON  257 


74.  Texans  in  a Mexican  Prison 

By  Thomas  J.  Green  (1843) 

General  Green’s  story  is  here  resumed  where  the  prisoners 
reached  Perote.1 

Upon  our  arrival  at  the  village  of  Perote  [Pa-ro'ta], 
in  looking  north  about  one  mile  we  could  see  the  mas- 
sive walls  of  the  castle,  with  its  numerous  port-holes 
and  dark-mouthed  artillery.  Upon  nearer  approach, 
in  making  our  way  through  its  winding  entrance,  and 
across  the  drawbridge  over  the  great  moat,  the  din 
of  arms  and  the  clank  of  chains  opened  our  eyes  to 
the  reality  of  imprisonment. 

There  is  a mockery  in  many  things  in  Mexico,  and 
now  there  was  a mock  mercy  by  way  of  three  days’ 
grace  extended  to  us  before  our  chains  were  riveted. 
During  these  three  days  we  had  the  privilege  of  walk- 
ing about  in  certain  parts  of  the  castle  in  the  daytime, 
estimating  its  capacity,  military  strength,  etc. 

At  9 o’clock  of  the  fourth  day  after  our  confinement 
the  Mier  men  were  ordered  to  stand  aside  to  receive 
their  chains,  a full  ton  of  which  had  been  brought  out 
and  laid  in  a heap,  with  a corresponding  quantity  of 
cumbrous,  rudely  made  clevises  to  fit  around  the 
ankles.  Here  stood  the  fat  old  officer  in  charge,  a 
Captain  Gozeman.  He  desired  Fisher  and  me  to  make 

^rom  Green,  The  Mier  Expedition,  235-259,  passim. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  227-232;  Garrison,  248-250. 

17 


Castle 

Perote. 


Three  days 
of  grace. 


In  chains. 


258 


THE  REPUBLIC 


Clumsy 

jewelry. 


Some  break 
the  chains. 


choice  of  our  chain.  In  fact  there  was  no  choice  be- 
tween them,  the  lightest  weighing  about  twenty 
pounds;  and  even  if  there  had  been  any  difference, 
neither  of  us  was  in  the  temper  to  make  the  choice. 
We  held  forth  our  feet,  the  one  a right,  and  the  other 
a left  foot,  and  the  son  of  Vulcan  1 riveted  us  together 
as  though  we  had  l?een  a pair  of  unbroken  oxen  just 
being  introduced  to  the  yoke. 

Colonel  Fisher  and  I being  first  ironed,  laughed  at 
the  “jewelry,”  as  the  boys  called  the  chains.  We 
started  to  our  cells,  but  the  inconvenience  of  being 
coupled  so  closely  together  determined  us  to  separate. 
Upon  reaching  our  cell,  we  looked  out  for  the  means 
of  breaking  so  large  a chain.  Texians  are  a most  in- 
genious people,  and  are  usually  equal  to  the  emer- 
gency. We  soon  found  means  to  accomplish  our  pur- 
pose. 

In  our  prison  room  lay  a loose  stone,  about  one  foot 
across,  one  side  of  which  was  slightly  concave.  In 
the  room  we  also  found  a six-pound  cannon  shot. 
We  sat  flat  upon  the  floor  with  the  stone  in  our  laps, 
the  concave  side  up,  and  covered  with  a blanket  as  a 
non-conductor  of  sound,  to  prevent  the  alarm  of  the 
sentinel  at  the  door.  Then,  placing  the  middle  link  of 
the  chain  across  the  concave  surface  of  the  stone,  and 
another  fold  of  the  blanket  over  the  link,  we  com- 

1 Vulcan  was  a Roman  god  who  was  a blacksmith.  All  black- 
smiths are  therefore  figuratively  called  his  sons. 


TEXANS  IN  A MEXICAN  PRISON  259 


menced  hammering  upon  it  until  it  came  to  fit  the 
stone,  turning  it  over  and  beating  it  back  until  it  also 
fitted  the  other  side,  and  thus,  after  twenty  turnings 
of  the  link  it  parted,  leaving  each  of  us  about  five 
feet  of  chain. 

Our  companions  in  turn  were  all  ironed,  and  many 
were  the  devices  they  resorted  to  in  order  to  free  them- 
selves from  their  chains  when  not  in  the  presence  of 
the  officers.  In  that  horribly  cold  place,  sleeping  upon 
the  cold  pavement,  with  the  still  colder  iron  for  your 
bedfellow,  is  no  pleasant  situation.  Some  would 
bribe  the  blacksmith  to  make  them  leaden  instead  of 
iron  rivets,  which,  when  blackened  with  charcoal,  had 
much  the  appearance  of  iron,  while  they  could  be 
easily  taken  out  or  reheaded.  One  medio  [half  a dol- 
lar] would  buy  a leaden  rivet;  and  for  some  time  this 
ruse  was  practiced.  Our  old  friend  told  the  gover- 
nor “that  it  would  require  as  many  blacksmiths  to 
keep  us  ironed  as  there  were  Texians  in  the  castle. ” 

Our  rations  were  such  as,  even  without  labor,  would 
hardly  have  kept  soul  and  body  together.  We  for- 
tunately had  a small  balance  of  funds.  So  long  as  it 
lasted,  our  room-mates  made  out  pretty  well.  A 
medio  each  of  lard,  onions,  and  red  pepper,  cut  fine, 
put  into  our  rations  of  poor  beef,  and  re-cooked  over 
a small  earthen  stove,  made  quite  a savory  meal  for 
several.  We  also  purchased  sugar  and  coffee,  and 
every  day,  at  12  o’clock,  from  the  milkman,  a gal- 


others  bribe 
the  black- 
smith. 


All  nearly 
starve. 


260 


THE  REPUBLIC 


We  refuse 
to  work. 


Celebrat- 
ing San 
Jacinto  Day. 


Ion  of  leche  de  hurra,  donkey’s  milk.  When  we  had 
the  means,  all  of  us  took  a hand  at  cooking. 

A short  time  after  we  were  ironed,  our  fat  friend 
very  politely  informed  us  that  we  must  prepare  to  go 
to  work.  We  very  politely  replied  that,  as  we  were 
Texian  officers,  we  would  do  no  such  thing.  He 
went  with  our  reply  to  the  governor.  April  6th  our 
corpulent  friend  returned  to  our  prison  and  said  that 
he  had  positive  orders  from  the  governor  to  make  us 
go  to  work.  Colonel  Fisher,  Captain  Reese,  and 
Lieutenant  Clarke,  the  only  Mier  officers  present, 
pledged  themselves  to  me  that  they  would  be  shot 
down  sooner  than  submit  to  the  order,  and  so  we 
informed  him. 

Time  passed  heavily,  and  though  we  were  repeatedly 
told  that  we  must  go  to  work,  yet  the  order  was  not 
enforced.  The  balance  of  the  men,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  those  who  had  been  excused,  from  inability 
or  other  causes,  were,  however,  compelled  to  work. 

The  anniversary  of  the  Texians’  triumph  over  Santa 
Anna  at  San  Jacinto  found  my  finances  reduced  to 
the  last  extremity.  Was  that  day  to  be  passed  in 
silence  ? No ! And  though  I might  have  never  ex- 
pected to  own  another  ounce,  we  would  have  rejoiced 
in  our  country’s  triumph.  So  that  last  doubloon 1 
was  devoted  to  our  country’s  jubilee.  We  bought 
seven  gallons  of  “vino  mescal,”2  as  many  of  donkey’s 

1A  doubloon  was  a Spanish  coin  worth  about  sixteen  dollars. 

2A  strong  Mexican  intoxicant,  somewhat  like  alcohol. 


ESCAPE  FROM  PEROTE 


261 


milk,  thirty  dozen  eggs,  a large  loaf  of  sugar,  and 
used  all  our  cooking  utensils  and  water  jars  in  the  mix- 
ing of  egg-nog;  and  such  egg-nog  as  never  before  Fine 
was  seen  or  drunk  under  the  nineteenth  degree  of 
north  latitude! 

We  went  around  to  the  prison  rooms  and  sum- 
moned all  hands  to  attend  the  thanksgiving.  When 
those  noble  fellows  stood  round  the  bowl  in  rags,  with 
their  “jewelry”  riveted  upon  their  ankles,  brought 
up  and  tied  around  the  waist  with  a cord,  the  sight 
filled  my  heart  to  overflowing.  Though  the  body 
was  oppressed,  they  looked  like  caged  lions,  and  every 
face  bespoke  the  invincible  spirit  of  a free  man. 


1.  How  were  the  Texans  treated  in  the  castle  of  Perote? 
2.  Describe  the  prison.  3.  How  did  the  prisoners  celebrate  San 
Jacinto  Day? 


75.  The  Escape  from  Perote 

By  Thomas  J.  Green  (1843)1 

I determined  to  return  to  my  country  or  perish  in  Plan  to 
the  attempt.  To  escape  from  this  strong  place,  escape* 
guarded  as  it  was  with  the  most  unremitting  vigi- 
lance, was  considered  impossible  by  the  Mexicans,  and 
the  project  required  the  greatest  caution,  coolness  and 
calculation.  I made  known  my  determination  to  Cap- 


^rom  Green,  The  Mier  Expedition,  296-325,  passim. 


262 


THE  REPUBLIC 


By  scaling 
the  walls. 


Promise  of 
freedom. 


tain  Reese,  who  agreed  to  join  me  in  the  enterprise, 
and  also  to  stake  his  life  upon  the  issue. 

Our  first  plan  was  to  scale  the  different  walls,  the 
height  of  which  we  could  carefully  estimate  by  the 
eye,  during  some  stormy  night  when  the  sentinels 
could  be  most  easily  passed.  We  accordingly  set 
about  making  arrangements.  With  all  arrangements 
completed  for  our  migration,  we  were  yet  prevented 
from  so  doing  at  this  time,  on  account  of  the  follow- 
ing circumstances : 

In  the  central  one  of  our  prison  rooms,  which  con- 
tained thirty-six  of  our  countrymen,  a few  lion- 
hearted  fellows  determined  also  to  make  the  attempt 
at  escaping.  They  had  commenced  digging  through 
an  eight-foot  wall,  and  if  Captain  Reese  and -I  es- 
caped by  scaling  the  walls,  which  we  now  considered 
pretty  certain  of  accomplishing,  it  would  break  up  all 
further  chances  of  others  doing  so  by  any  means  what- 
ever. We  then  determined  to  join  the  plan  of  going 
through  the  walls,  and  all  escaping  at  the  same  time. 

All  who  determined  upon  the  hazard  were  in  high 
spirits,  when  we  were  informed,  through  General 
Thompson,  that  we  would  be  released  on  the  13th  of 
June,  Santa  Anna’s  birthday.  The  13th  of  June  drew 
near,  and  every  officer  we  met  told  us  that  “in  a little 
time  we  would  leave  that  place  and  return  to  our 
country  and  friends.”  The  soldiers,  by  way  of  con- 
gratulating us,  in  their  mixture  of  Spanish  and  Eng- 


ESCAPE  FROM  PEROTE 


263 


lish,  would  make  a flourish  peculiar  to  the  Mexican 
people,  dash  their  right  hand  through  their  left  in 
the  direction  of  Texas,  and  say,  “Poco  tiempo  Texas ” 
(Texas  in  a little  while).  Even  this  from  the  most 
stupid  soldier  flattered  our  desire;  but  the  13th  came 
and  went,  and  no  liberation.  The  next  day  it  was 
promised,  but  the  next  failed  of  liberation.  The  next, 
and  still  the  next,  came  and  passed  under  a like  prom- 
ise from  our  officers,  bringing  with  each  successive  day 
the  chagrin  of  disappointment  to  take  the  place  of 
joyous  hopes. 

Our  arched  cells  were  twenty  feet  wide  by  seventy 
long,  with  a door  at  one  end  opening  in  the  castle, 
and  a loophole  at  the  other  opening  upon  the  outside, 
underneath  which  is  the  great  moat.  This  loophole 
is  a small  aperture,  upon  the  outside  about  four  by 
twelve  inches,  and  gradually  widening  through  the 
eight-foot  wall  to  about  two  feet  upon  the  inside. 

The  tools  with  which  we  worked  were  narrow,  in- 
ferior carpenter’s  chisels.  Some  of  our  men  were 
employed  in  the  carpenter  shop  making  artillery  car- 
riages; and  as  they  would  come  to  their  meals,  and 
sleep  in  the  same  prison  cells,  they  would  smuggle 
the  chisels  out  of  the  shop  under  their  blankets. 

As  a water-drip  will  wear  away  the  hardest  granite, 
so  the  breach  in  the  wall  gradually  grew  deeper  under 
our  incessant  labor.  This  work  was  principally  ac- 
complished by  drilling  holes  into  the  stone  and  mortar 


Walls  eight 
feet  thick. 


Smuggling 

chisels. 


A tedious 
job. 


264 


THE  REPUBLIC 


Saving 

rations. 


An  exciting 
two  hours. 


with  the  chisel,  and  prying  off  small  pieces;  and  fre- 
quently, after  a hard  day’s  labor,  not  more  than  a 
hatful  could  be  loosed.  On  the  first  day  of  July  the 
hole  had  been  drilled  down  to  a thin  shell  on  the  outer 
side,  which  could  be  easily  burst  out,  after  the  final 
preparation  was  made  for  leaving. 

For  some  weeks  previous  to  our  escape,  those  who 
intended  to  go  were  busily  engaged,  every  safe  oppor- 
tunity, in  completing  their  arrangements — fixing  their 
knapsacks,  saving  all  the  bread  they  could  procure, 
laying  aside  every  cent  to  purchase  fat  bacon  and 
chocolate.  Having  been  furnished  money  by  a friend 
in  Mexico,  I was  enabled  to  supply  several  with  sugar, 
coffee,  and  bacon. 

At  length,  Sunday,  the  second  day  of  July,  opened 
upon  us  with  a favorable  sign.  We  passed  the  word 
for  all  who  intended  to  go  to  be  in  readiness  by  night. 
Sixteen  of  our  number  finally  determined  to  make  the 
effort. 

At  seven  o’clock  we  commenced  our  final  prepara- 
tions before  leaving  the  room.  This  was  to  remove 
the  shell*  of  the  wall  yet  upon  the  outside,  then  to 
make  one  end  of  the  rope  fast  inside  of  the  room, 
and  pass  it  through.  By  this  we  would  have  to  let 
ourselves  down  to  the  bottom  of  the  moat.  When 
this  was  done,  it  was  found  that  the  hole  was  too 
small  upon  the  outside  to  allow  any  but  the  smallest 
of  our  men  to  pass  through,  and  it  required  two  hours 


ESCAPE  FROM  PEROTE 


265 


hard  work  to  scale  some  pieces  of  stone  and  mortar 
from  one  side  of  it,  so  as  to  permit  the  larger  ones  to 
pass.  This  required  until  nine  o’clock. 

All  things  being  now  ready,  John  Too  wig,  a gallant  the 

son  of  the  Emerald  Isle,  got  into  the  hole  feet  fore- 
most, and,  drawing  his  bundle  after  him,  inch  by  inch 


The  Escape  from  Perote 


squeezed  out,  and  let  himself  down  hand  over  hand 
about  thirty  feet  to  the  bottom  of  the  moat.  The 
depth  and  smallness  of  the  hole  rendered  this  opera- 
tion exceedingly  slow.  Another  and  another  followed, 
and  at  half  past  twelve,  after  three  hours  and  a half 
of  hard  labor,  all  of  the  sixteen  had  safely  landed. 

The  moon  had  gone  down  at  eight  o’clock,  and,  be- 
ing  favored  by  the  darkness  in  the  bottom  of  the  moat, 
through  which  the  sentinels  overhead  could  not  pene- 


266 


THE  REPUBLIC 


trate,  we  slowly  crossed  over  to  the  outer  wall  in  In- 
dian file,  then  felt  along  the  wall  until  we  came  to  a 
flight  of  narrow  steps  eighteen  inches  wide,  up  which 
we  crawled  upon  all  fours.  When  we  reached  the 
top  we  breathed  more  freely,  for  we  were  now  in  the 
wide  world,  and  felt  more  like  free  men;  and  as  the 
sentinels  drolled  out  their  sleepy  notes  of  “centinela 
alerta  [sentinel,  watch  out],  we  jumped  up,  and 
cracked  our  heels  together  three  times,  as  a substitute 
for  cheers  three  times  three. 


1.  How  did  General  Green  first  plan  to  escape  from  the  cas- 
tle? 2.  Why  did  he  abandon  this  plan?  3.  How  did  the  Texans 
finally  escape  ? 4.  Describe  the  preparations  that  they  were 

making  for  several  days  before  the  escape?  5.  What  finally  be- 
came of  those  who  remained  in  the  prison? 


76.  Indian  “Talks” 

By  Pa-ha-you-co  and  Roasting-ear  (1845)1 

Pa-ha-you-co  was  a Comanche  chief.  These  “talks”  were  dic- 
tated by  the  Indians  in  their  own  tongue  to  an  interpreter  who 
translated  them  and  sent  them  to  President  Anson  Jones. 

Trading  House,  January  19,  1845. 
Pci-ha-you-co’ s Talk 

Be  good  to  Brothers:  Never  give  up  your  efforts  to  make 

the  Indians.  J 

peace  with  your  Red  Brothers.  Whenever  any  of 

them  come  to  see  you,  smoke  the  pipe  of  peace  with 

them  and  give  them  good  talk  before  they  leave.  If 

'From  the  original  manuscripts  in  the  archives  of  Texas,  at  the 
capitol. 


INDIAN  ‘'TALKS 


267 


you  do  that,  everybody  will  know  you  are  appointed 
by  the  great  chief,  and  they  will  come  to  you  to  make 
peace.  And  you  must  give  them  presents  when  they 
come.  That  will  not  hurt  you,  but  if  they  should 
cut  your  meat  off,  that  would  hurt  you. 

The  reason  I came  here  was  to  bring  the  white  pris- 
oner and  deliver  him  up  to  you.  I know  his  people 
are  anxious  about  him.  I do  not  keep  my  words  hid 
nor  tell  lies,  but  what  I say  is  true.  I am  anxious 
and  so  are  all  my  tribe  to  make  peace,  and  what  I say 
now  I will  stick  to  as  long  as  I live. 

My  people  are  now  gone  to  the  Spanish  country 
[Mexico]  for  foolishness,  and  when  they  get  their  fill 
of  foolishness  they  will  come  back  here. 

When  Colonel  Eldridge  told  me  that  Texas  wished 
to  make  peace  with  me,  I was  glad.  I listened  to  his 
talk  good.  And  I have  told  Buffalo  Hump  that  he 
must  not  forget  what  he  heard  at  the  last  council,  but 
hold  fast  to  it  and  never  give  it  up. 

When  I was  a young  man  we  were  accustomed  to 
go  among  the  white  people  and  trade.  I am  anxious 
that  that  time  should  return.  We  wish  to  be  at  peace 
with  all,  and  raise  our  children  at  peace.  My  war 
chief,  The-Bear-With-a-Short-Tail,  is  brave,  but  he 
prefers  peace  to  war.  He  has  come  to  see  that  peace 
is  good.  He  is  next  war  chief  to  Buffalo  Hump. 
Now  we  love  our  White  brethren  the  same  as  our  Red 
brothers. 


A pris- 
oner sur- 
rendered. 


Foolish- 

ness. 


Comanches 
wish  peace 
and  trade. 


268 


THE  REPUBLIC 


A truthful 
Indian. 


Give  us 
presents. 


No  more 
stealing. 


When  my  brother  came  back  from  the  council  we 
were  all  glad  to  hear  his  words,  for  they  were  good. 
All  the  other  tribes  of  Indians  know  me,  and  know 
that  I wish  for  peace  with  all.  You  that  are  listening 
to  me  may  think  that  I am  telling  lies,  but  the  Great 
Spirit  who  looks  upon  me  now  knows  that  I speak 
truth. 

Whenever  any  of  my  men  or  chiefs  come  in  to  see 
you,  you  must  give  them  presents ; so  that  when  they 
return  home  the  people  may  see  that  the  whites  are 


San  Antonio  in  1840 


friendly.  The  Spaniards  when  they  send  for  us  to 
make  peace,  steal  our  horsey ; but  we  believe  that  what 
the  white  people  tell  us  is  true. 

The  Buffaloes  are  close  by  here,  and  we  are  obliged 
to  come  down  with  our  families  among  them.  All 
tribes  and  nations  have  some  bad  men  who  will  steal, 


INDIAN  “TALKS” 


269 


but  none  but  my  good  men  shall  come,  and  we  will 
do  our  best  to  keep  all  from  stealing. 

In  the  spring  some  of  my  men  will  be  down  about 
San  Antonio,  and  they  may  wish  to  go  into  the  set- 
tlements. If  they  do,  they  will  come  with  a white 
flag,  so  that  the  whites  may  know  they  are  friendly 
and  not  hurt  them.  We  shall  range  from  the  Colo- 
rado to  the  Guadalupe,  and  we  wish  to  be  friendly. 
I mention  this  so  that  they  may  know  that  we  will 
be  there  hunting,  and  not  to  steal. 

The  Witchitas  are  like  dogs.  They  will  steal.  You 
may  feed  a dog  well  at  night,  and  he  will  steal  all 
your  meat  before  morning.  This  is  the  way  with  the 
Witchitas. 

This  is  all  I have  to  say.  If  you  listen  to  my  talk, 
I shall  be  glad,  and  everything  will  be  good. 

Roasting-Ear’s  Talk 

I have  listened  to  Pa-ha-you-co’s  talk,  and  it  is 
good.  I am  glad  to  hear  it,  and  believe  he  speaks 
truth*.  I have  listened  to  him  twice  now,  and  his  talk 
is  the  same.  He  wishes  to  be  at  peace  with  the  Whites 
and  I hope  peace  will  be  effected. 

I have  been  listening  to  white  men  since  I was  a 
boy,  and  now  I am  gray-headed.  They  have  told  me 
some  lies,  but  I believe  what  they  say  now  is  true 
What  we  say  in  the  presence  of  the  Great  Spirit  we 
must  stick  to.  We  can  not  lie  when  we  call  him  to 


Going 
to  hunt 
buffalo. 


The  Wichi- 
tas  are 
like  dogs 


Pa-ha-you- 
co  tells 
the  truth. 


So  do  some 
white  men. 


270 


THE  REPUBLIC 


witness  what  we  say,  but  must  speak  truth.  We  love 
the  white  men,  women,  and  children  the  same  as  our 
own,  and  it  should  be  our  desire  to  make  peace  with 
all  for  the  sake  of  our  women  and  children  if  noth- 
ing else.  I will  do  my  best  to  make  peace  between 
the  Whites  and  all  the  Red  men. 

I am  glad  to  find  that  my  friend  here  is  disposed 
for  peace,  and  hope  you  will  satisfy  him  before  he 
goes  back.  This  is  all  I have  to  say. 

1.  How  did  the  Comanches  show  their  friendship  for  visitors? 
2.  Who  was  meant  by  “the  great  chief”?  3.  What  business 
brought  the  Indians  near  the  white  settlements?  4.  Where  in 
Texas  did  the  buffalo  range  in  1845?  5.  Where  was  this  talk 

made  ? 


77.  Farewell  to  the  Republic 

By  President  Anson  Jones  (1846)  - 

An  Austin  newspaper  thus  described  the  effect  of  President 
Jones’s  farewell  address1  upon  his  audience:  “The  President 

arose  and  delivered  his  valedictory.  He  was  loudly  applauded. 
During  the  whole  time  the  most  intense  emotion  thrilled  every 
bosom — tears  crept  unconsciously  from  the  eye  of  many  a 
weather-beaten  Texan,  who  had  toiled  and  suffered  and  bled  to 
establish  an  independent  government — to  win  freedom  for  a peo- 
ple who  were  now  being  stricken  from  the  roll  of  nations ; they 
seemed  to  feel  as  if  the  Republic  of  Texas  was  indeed  ‘no  more.’  ” 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives: 

Congratu-  The  great  measure  of  annexation,  so  earnestly  de- 
lations. 

1This  extract  from  the  address  is  taken  from  Letters  Relating 
to  the  History  of  Annexation,  by  Anson  Jones,  pp.  25-27.  The 
introductory  paragraph  is  from  the  Austin  Democrat,  extra, 
February  20,  1846. 


FAREWELL  TO  THE  REPUBLIC 


271 


sired  by  the  people  of  Texas,  is  happily  consummated. 

The  present  occa- 
sion, so  full  of  inter- 
est to  us  and  to  all 
the  people  of  this 
country,  is  an  earn- 
est of  that  consum- 
mation, and  I am 
happy  to  tender  to 
you  my  cordial  con- 
gratulations on  an 
event  the  most  ex- 
traordinary in  the 
annals  of  the  world. 

A government  is 
changed  both  in  its 
officers  and  its  law ; 
not  by  violence  and  disorder,  but  by  the  deliberate 
and  free  consent  of  its  citizens. 

The  lone  star  of  Texas,  which  ten  vears  since  arose  T^xa®  **as 

joined  the 

amid  clouds,  over  fields  of  carnage,  and  obscurely  shone  Union, 
for  a while,  has  culminated,  has  passed  on  and  be- 
come fixed  forever  in  that  glorious  constellation  which 
all  free  men  and  lovers  of  freedom  in  the  world  must 
reverence  and  adore — the  American  Union.  Blend- 
ing its  rays  with  its  sister  stars,  long  may  it  continue 
to  shine,  and  may  a gracious  Heaven  smile  upon  this 
consummation  of  the  wishes  of  the  two  Republics, 


President  Anson  Jones 


272 


THE  REPUBLIC 


The  Re- 
public is 
no  move. 


now  joined  together  in  one.  “May  the  Union  be 
perpetual,  and  may  it  be  the  means  of  conferring  bene^ 
fits  and  blessings  upon  the  people  of  all  the  States,” 
is  my  ardent  prayer. 

The  final  act  in  this  great  drama  is  now  performed 
The  Republic  of  Texas  is  no  more. 


PART  VI 


THE  STATE 


78.  The  Ranger’s  Song 

By  James  T.  Lytle 

The  famous  Texas  Rangers  were  organized  as  early  as  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Revolution  to  protect  the  frontiers  from  Indian  at- 
tacks, and  the  organization  has  continued  ever  since.  The  Rang- 
ers have  frequently  done  heroic  service  fighting  Indians  and  re- 
pelling Mexican  invasions.  Their  duties  often,  in  times  past, 
led  them  into  exploits  as  romantic  as  they  were  dangerous.  It 
is  sometimes  said  that  the  Rangers  were  first  organized  during 
the  Republic.  This  is  a mistake.1 

Mount ! mount ! and  away  o’er  the  green  prairie  wide ; 
The  sword  is  our  scepter,  the  fleet  steed  our  pride. 
Up!  up!  with  our  flag,  let  its  bright  star  gleam  out; 
Mount!  mount!  and  away  on  the  wild  border-scout! 


We  care  not  for  danger,  we  heed  not  the  foe; 
Where  our  brave  steeds  can  bear  us,  right  onward 
we  go, 

And  never,  as  cowards,  can  we  fly  from  the  fight, 
While  our  belts  bear  a blade,  our  star  sheds  its  light. 


’This  song  is  from  Reid,  The  Scouting  Expedition  of  McCul- 
loch’s Texas  Rangers,  37. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  215,  225,  233. 

18 


274 


THE  STATE 


Then  mount  and  away!  give  the  fleet  steed  the  rein; 
The  Ranger’s  at  home  on  the  prairies  again. 

Spur!  spur  in  the  chase,  dash  on  to  the  fight, 

Cry  vengeance  for  Texas!  and  God  speed  the  right. 


The  Old  Capitol  at  Austin 

The  might  of  the  foe  gathers  thick  on  our  way; 
They  hear  our  wild  shout  as  we  rush  to  the  fray. 
What  to  us  is  the  fear  of  the  death-stricken  plain? 
We  have  braved  it  before,  and  will  brave  it  again. 

The  death-dealing  bullets  around  us  may  fall, 

They  may  strike,  they  may  kill,  but  they  can  not  appal ; 
Through  the  red  field  of  carnage  right  onward  we’ll 
wade, 

While  our  guns  carry  ball,  and  our  hands  wield  the 
blade. 


THE  TEXANS  AT  MONTEREY 


275 


Hurrah,  my  brave  boys!  ye  may  fare  as  ye  please, 

No  Mexican  banner  now  floats  in  the  breeze! 

’Tis  the  flag  of  Columbia  that  waves  o’er  each  height, 
While  on  its  proud  folds  our  star  sheds  its  light. 

Then  mount  and  away!  give  the  fleet  steed  the  rein; 
The  Ranger’s  at  home  on  the  prairies  again. 

Spur!  spur  in  the  chase,  dash  on  to  the  fight, 

Cry  vengeance  for  Texas!  and  God  speed  the  right. 


79.  The  Texans  at  Monterey 

By  Samuel  C.  Reid  (1846) 

One  of  the  first  important  events  in  the  history  of  Texas  after 
she  joined  the  United  States  was  the  Mexican  War.  In  this 
contest  the  Texas  Rangers,  under  Colonel  John  Hays,  played  an 
important  part.  Captain  Reid  here  tells  of  their  share  in  the 
capture  of  Monterey,  an  event  of  which  he  was  a personal  wit- 
ness.1 

As  soon  as  news  of  the  critical  situation  of  the  The  cal1 

to  arms. 

American  army  on  the  Rio  Grande  reached  Texas, 
and  General  Taylor’s  call  for  volunteers  was  heard 
throughout  the  new  State,  the  spirit  of  patriotism 
burst  forth  anew  to  gleam  as  brightly  as  in  the  days 
of  its  infant  liberty. 

On  the  western  frontier,  that  portion  of  the  State  Hasty  prep- 

ar  at  ions 

nearest  the  seat  of  war,  preparations  for  the  campaign 
were  most  active  and  most  earnest.  There  was  wip- 

lFrom  -Reid,  The  Scouting  Expedition  of  McCulloch’s  Texas 
Rangers,  38  181-186. 

Read : Pennybacker,  247. 


276 


THE  STATE 


McCul- 

loch’s 

Rangers. 


Independ- 
ence Hill. 


The  storm- 
ing force. 


in g of  rifles  and  molding  of  bullets,  cleaning  of  pis- 
tols and  grinding  of  knives,  packing  of  wallets  and 
saddling  of  steeds.  Every  step  of  preparation  was 
made  amid  the  encouraging  smiles  of  mothers,  wives, 
and  sisters,  who  cheerfully  came  forth  to  lend  their 
aid,  making  wallets  and  molding  leaden  messengers 
of  death. 

In  thirty-six  hours  after  the  express  arrived,  Capt. 
Ben  McCulloch  had  raised  a choice  company  on  the 
banks  of  the  Guadalupe,  and  set  out  for  the  seat  of 
hostilities.  This  company  was  perhaps  the  best 
mounted,  armed,  and  equipped  corps  that  was  out  in 
the  ranging  service. 

[The  middle  of  September  found  the  American 
army  at  Monterey,  preparing  for  its  capture.]  Inde- 
pendence Hill,  between  seven  and  eight  hundred  feet 
high,  is  not  only  the  most  inaccessible  height,  but  also 
the  most  important.  It  commands  the  western  ap- 
proaches to  the  Bishop’s  Palace,  and  thus  forms  a 
key  to  the  entrance  of  Monterey  on  its  western  side. 
The  height  was  defended  by  a piece  of  artillery,  and 
during  the  night  a large  reinforcement  had  been 
thrown  forward  from  the  Bishop’s  Palace.  Here  they 
remained,  as  they  supposed,  in  perfect  security. 

At  three  o’clock,  on  the  morning  of  the  22d,  the 
troops  that  had  been  detailed  to  storm  the  fort  on 
Independence  Hill  were  aroused  from  their  slumbers. 
It  was  dark  and  cloudy,  with  a heavy,  thick  mist. 


THE  TEXANS  AT  MONTEREY 


277 


The  command  consisted  of  three  companies  of  artil- 
lery, under  Captain  Vinton,  three  companies  of  in- 
fantry, under  Captain  Screven,  and  seven  companies 
of  the  Texas  Rangers,  under  Colonel  Hays  and  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Walker.  The  whole  force,  numbering 


The  Bishop’s  Palace 

four  hundred  and  sixty-five  men  besides  the  officers, 
was  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Childs,  who  had  been 
assigned  to  lead  this  storming  party. 

The  expedition  was  looked  upon  as  a forlorn  hope,  strong 

hearts. 

but  not  a word  was  spoken,  save  by  the  officers  in  a 
low  tone,  as  they  marshalled  their  men  in  the  dark- 
ness of  night.  The  solemn  stillness  that  prevailed  in- 
dicated the  firm  purpose  in  the  minds  of  the  men. 

The  short,  quick  word  of  command,  “forward,”  was  Scaling  the 
given,  and  the  column  wound  its  way  by  a right  flank  hei&1*ltb' 
along  the  dark  road,  passing  through  a cornfield,  un- 
til it  arrived  at  the  base  of  the  hill.  Now  commenced 


278 


THE  STATE 


the  ascent,  which  at  a distance  had  appeared  suffi- 
ciently difficult,  and  when  actually  grappled  with,  re- 
quired all  the  vigor  and  strength  of  the  most  hardy. 
Forward  pressed  the  men,  invigorated  by  the  fresh 
morning  air,  until  they  arrived  within  a hundred 
yards  of  the  crest  of  the  hill.  A crash  of  musketry 
from'  the  enemy’s  skirmishers  announced  that  they 
were  discovered.  An  incessant  random  fire  was 
poured  down  upon  the  stormers,  but  not  a shot  .was 
returned — not  a word  uttered. 

The  charge.  The  two  coiumns  steadily  advanced,  climbing  over 
projecting  crags  by  means  of  the  fissures  in  the  rocks, 
or  clinging  to  the  stunted,  thorny  bushes,  until  within 
about  twenty  yards  of  the  top,  when  a shout  and  yell 
rose  on  the  air,  amid  the  rattling  of  musketry  from 
the  regulars  and  the  whistling  of  the  rifle  balls  of  the 
Texians.  The  enemy  were  appalled,  and  driven  back 
from  the  brow  of  the  slope.  Then  came  the  deadly 
struggle.  Panting  and  breathless,  men  and  officers 
strove  to  gain  the  height,  contending  with  the  rocky 
steep  as  well  as  with  the  enemy.  Peal  after  peal,  and 
shout  and  cry,  rang  wildly  forth  for  victory.  On- 
ward they  rushed,  braving  the  storm  of  hail,  until 
they  gained  the  brow,  and  with  a loud  huzza  bore 
back  the  foe,  while  the  mist  now  left  the  mountain 
top  for  the  sunbeam’s  warmer  glow  to  shine  upon  the 
triumphant  colors  of  our  victorious  troops. 

The  Mexicans  fled  in  confusion,  some  towards  the 


THE  TEXANS  AT  MONTEREY 


279 


Palace,  others  headlong  down  the  hill.  They  suc- 
ceeded, however,  in  carrying  off  a piece  of  camion, 
our  men  being  too  much  exhausted  to  pursue  them 
farther.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  considerable, 
while  on  our  part,  though  it  was  but  few  in  numbers, 
some  of  our  noblest  spirits  fell. 

[But  the  critical  moment  was  still  to  come.]  Large 
reinforcements  of  cavalry  and  infantry  were  seen 
ascending  the  road  from  the  city  to  the  Bishop’s 
Palace.  Battalions  of  infantry  formed  in  front  of  the 
Palace.  Their  crowded  ranks  and  glistening  bayonets 
presented  a bold  front.  Squadrons  of  light  horse- 
men with  bright  lances  and  fluttering  flags,  and  heavy 
cavalry  with  scopets1  and  broadswords  gleaming  in 
the  sun,  made  a most  imposing  sight. 

Their  bugle  notes  now  echoed  forth  the  charge. 
Onward  they  came.  Most  bravely  were  they  met. 
One  volley  from  that  long  line,  with  a deadly  fire 
from  the  Texians,  made  them  reel  and  stagger  back. 
Above  the  battle-cry  was  heard  the  hoarse  command 
to  “charge.”  On,  on  rushed  our  men,  with  shouts 
of  triumph,  driving  the  retreating  enemy,  horse  and 
foot,  down  the  ridge,  past  the  Palace,  and  even  tc 
the  bottom  of  the  hill,  into  the  streets  of  the  city. 
The  victory  was  won — the  Palace  ours. 

1.  What  were  the  causes  of  the  Mexican  war  (see  Pennybacker, 
246 ) ? 2.  Who  were  the  Rangers  ? 3.  Describe  their  prepara- 

tions for  going  to  the  war.  4.  Write  a short  account  of  the 
assault  on  the  Bishop’s  Palace. 

^scopeta  is  Spanish  for  carbine. 


The  rout. 


A new 
crisis. 


Victory. 


280 


THE  STATE 


Comanches 
on  the 
warpath. 


The  rangers 
to  the 
rescue. 


Their 

guides. 


80.  A Ranger’s  Story1 

By  Capt.  George  C.  Hendricks. 

In  the  fifties  Captain  George  C.  Hendricks  was  a famous 
Ranger  and  Indian  fighter.  He  led  a life  full  of  dash  and  excite- 
ment, and  is  said  to  have  narrowly  escaped  death  many  times  by 
tomahawk  or  Indian  rifle.  The  following  story  which  he  tells 
illustrates  the  valuable  services  the  Rangers  frequently  per- 
formed for  Texas.1 

We  were  professional  rangers,  serving  sometimes 
under  Ben  McCulloch  and  sometimes  under  Jack 
Hays.  We  had  been  scouting  on  the  headwaters  of 
the  Rio  Pecos,  when  news  reached  us  that  the  Coman- 
ches were  making  fearful  depredations  all  along  the 
western  tributaries  of  the  Colorado  River,  and  that 
unless  we  could  furnish  immediate  help,  the  settle- 
ments west  of  the  Colorado  would  have  to  be  aban- 
doned. 

On  receipt  of  this  news  about  thirty  of  us  were 
dispatched  to  the  relief  of  the  frontier  settlers.  As 
Hays  was  perfectly  familiar  with  all  the  border  set- 
tlements, he  suggested  that  we  should  go  at  once  to 
the  Enchanted  Hill  and  make  that  point  the  base  of 
our  operations.  It  was  a good  place  for  intercepting 
Indians  on  their  raids. 

Three  friendly  Indians  were  detailed  to  go  with  us. 
One  of  them  was  a Comanche  who  had  been  wounded 

irrhis  story  is  from  the  Austin  Statesman,  December  7,  1903. 
It  was  printed  therein  from  the  original  manuscript. 


A RANGER'S  STORY 


281 


and  captured  in  a fight  with  Ben  McCulloch’s  rangers 
and  then  carried  to  a hospital,  where  he  was  treated, 
nursed,  and  cured  by  the  kindness  of  Texas  women. 
He  was  reclaimed  from  barbarism  and  afterward  be- 
came a valuable  aid  to  McCulloch  in  trailing  the  sav- 
ages. The  other  two  were  Cherokees  who  had  joined 
the  rangers  under  Hays. 

We  had  camped  in  sight  of  the  Enchanted  Hill, 
when  a 14-year-old  boy,  without  hat  or  shoes,  came 


Fort  Concho  at  San  Angelo 


dashing  into  our  midst  about  sunrise,  his  horse’s  hoofs 
striking  fire  from  the  rocky  trail  along  which  he  was 
riding.  He  brought  the  startling  news  that  a fam- 
ily had  been  murdered  by  the  Indians  and  that  our 
assistance  was  wanted  badly  and  at  once. 

The  shrill  notes  of  the  bugle  put  us  into  our  saddles. 
Pressing  the  spurs  close  to  our  horses’  sides,  we  sped 
away  with  clattering  hoofs  to  the  scene  of  the  mas- 
sacre. In  a little  while  we  were  on  the  spot  and 


The  alarm 
at  En- 
chanted Hixl. 


A horri- 
ble scene. 


282 


THE  STATE 


The  enemy 
in  sight. 


Kecon- 

noitering. 


Two  dogs 
and  a 
mule-eared 
rabbit. 


found  the  boy’s  story  too  true.  Two  children  were 
lying  dead,  their  skulls  crushed  in  with  a murderous 
tomahawk.  The  father  was  lying  near  with  two 
ugly  gunshot  wounds  in  his  body.  A 17-year-old  girl 
had  been  carried  away  captive,  while  the  mother 
seemed  bereft  of  her  reason.  She  would  not  consent 
for  us  to  remain  long  enough  to  bury  the  dead,  but 
cried  wildly:  “My  daughter,  oh,  my  poor  captive 

daughter,  rescue  her;  rescue  her  or  I shall  die!” 

We  left  two  of  our  men  to  bury  the  children  and 
comfort  the  grief-stricken  mother,  and,  with  our  In- 
dians as  guides,  we  dashed  away  on  the  trail  of  the 
savages.  Within  an  hour  and  a half  our  scouts  sighted 
the  hostiles,  in  camp  about  two  miles  below  a bluff. 
They  had  sent  out  a hunting  party,  which  would  di- 
minish their  fighting  strength,  and  now  was  the  time 
to  strike  and  whip  them  in  detail. 

A brisk  ride  of  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes  brought 
us  in  sight  of  their  camp.  They  were  evidently  bar- 
becueing  fresh  meat;  but  we  were  five  hundred  yards 
away  and  wanted  a nearer  and  better  view.  We 
found  a ravine  running  in  the  right  direction.  A 
thick,  scrubby  undergrowth  that  fringed  its  banks 
enabled  us  to  approach  to  within  about  two  hundred 
yards  of  their  camp  fires. 

Here  we  had  as  full  and  complete  a view  as  we 
could  have  desired,  but  at  this  critical  juncture  two 
Indian  dogs  came  chasing  a mule-eared  rabbit  right 


A RANGER'S  STORY 


283 


into  the  midst  of  our  party.  The  dogs,  discovering 
the  white  intruders,  drew  their  tails  between  their 
legs,  and  with  ears  dropped  and  hair  turned  the  wrong 
way,  gave  a warning  yelp  and  made  for  the  Indian 
camp  as  fast  as  their  feet  could  carry  them.  As  no 
time  was  to  be  lost  our  captain  gave  us  a few  words 
of  instruction. 

“Now,  boys,”  he  said,  “some  of  us  must  spill  a little 
blood;  but  keep  perfectly  cool  and  show  your  usual 
pluck  and  I do  not  fear  the  result.”  As  we  emerged 
from  the  thicket  in  a helter  skelter  charge  we  saw  a 
great  commotion  in  the  Indian  camp.  So  sudden  and 
unexpected  was  our  attack  that  one-half  the  Indians 
could  not  find  their  guns,  and  those  who  did  had  their 
nerves  so  completely  unstrung  that  they  did  very  poor 
shooting. 

We  rode  straight  into  their  camp  and  closed  on 
them  with  our  sixshooters,  but  most  of  them  were  in 
full  flight  across  the  open  space  between  the  camp  and 
the  river.  The  water  being  shallow  they  forded  it 
with  ease.  Several  of  them,  however,  having  their 
guns  in  easy  reach,  availed  themselves  of  trees  and 
logs  and  made  a slow  and  stubborn  retreat.  As  we 
drove  the  last  of  them  into  the  river  we  paused  to 
take  a survey  of  the  situation. 

We  found  that  two  of  our  number  had  been  killed 
and  five  wounded,  and  five  Indians  lay  dead  on  the 
ground.  But  now  a startling  discovery  was  made.  The 


A surprise. 


A short, 
sharp  fight. 


Counting 
the  losses. 


284 


THE  STATE 


captive  girl  was  missing.  Where  could  she  be?  No  one 
could  remember  seeing  her  as  we  charged  the  camp, 
nor  did  anyone  see  her  in  the  running  fight  between 
the  camp  and  the  river.  There  was  now  greater  excite- 
ment among  us  than  there  had  been  during  the  hottest 
of  the  fight. 

The  dying  “Boys,”  said  our  captain,  “there  has  been  foul  play 
somewhere.  We  will  find  that  girl  or  remain  on  the 
warpath  until  we  die  with  old  age.”  A few  moments 
more  and  the  mystery  was  solved.  She  was  found 
just  outside  the  battle-ground  in  a dying  condition. 
We  raised  her  tenderly  from  a pool  of  blood.  There 
was  a feeble  movement  of  her  slender  arms,  a twitch- 
ing of  her  girlish  lips,  a quivering  of  her  frail  form, 
a beseeching  expression  in  her  beautiful  brown  eyes, 
and  her  soul  flew  away  to  the  presence  of  her  God. 

When  the  Indians  saw  that  they  were  whipped,  they 
had  undertaken  to  carry  their  captive  with  them  in 
their  flight,  but  seeing  that  they  must  inevitably  be 
overtaken,  they  resolved  to  murder  her  rather  than 
have  her  restored  to  her  mother  and  friends.  She  was 
pierced  by  three  rifle  balls,  one  passing  through  the 
region  of  the  heart. 

A lonely  After  a short  consultation  held  amid  sighs  and 

sobs,  it  was  decided  to  carry  her  remains  to  the  great 
bluff  and  bury  her  on  the  loftiest  peak  of  the  precipice, 
where  an  endless  view  of  the  landscape  could  be 
had,  and  where  the  gurgling  waters  of  the  Llano, 


A BEAR  STORY 


285 


glistening  and  sparkling  in  the  sunlight  far,  far  below, 
could  chant  her  requiem  through  all  coming  time. 

Who  should  break  the  sad  news  to  the  disconsolate 
and  heart-broken  mother,  waiting,  longing,  listening 
for  the  returning  notes  of  the  rangers’  bugle? 

1.  Tell  what  services  the  Rangers  performed  for  the  frontier 
settlements.  2.  Who  sometimes  acted  as  scouts  and  guides  for 
the  Rangers?  3.  W7rite  a description  of  this  battle  with  the 
Indians.  4.  Why  did  the  Indians  want  to  keep  this  girl  a pris- 
oner (see  page  224)  ? 


81.  A Bear  Story 

By  Frederick  Law  Olmsted  (1857) 

The  writer  of  this  story1  was  a noted  traveler  from  New  York, 
who  just  before  the  Civil  War  made  a tour  of  the  southern 
States.  The  bear  story  is  without  doubt  an  exaggeration,  but  it 
may  have  historical  value  as  an  example  of  the  accounts  with 
which  the  frontiersmen  regaled  the  “tenderfoot.” 

While  in  the  \ western  1 mountains  the  settlers  told  HeaPs.  of 

*-  J bears  m 

us,  with  fresh  excitement,  the  story  of  a great  bear-  Texas. 

hunt  which  had  but  recently  come  off.  The  hero  was 

one  of  the  German  hermits,  named  P , a famous 

sportsman.  Not  long  before  the  hunt  he  had  had  a 

personal  difficulty  with  a bear.  After  the  animal  had 

drawn  his  fire  he  closed  with  the  hunter,  now  armed 

only  with  a knife,  upon  a rocky  ledge,  and  attempted 

either  to  throw  him  over  the  precipice,  or  to  force 

him,  in  pure  vengeance,  to  roll  down  the  steep  with 

Olmsted,  A Journey  Through  Texas  (N.  Y.,  1857),  pp.  224- 
226. 


286 


THE  STATE 


The  first 
bear. 


More  fun 
sight. 


himself.  Almost  crushed  with  the  hug,  P , with 

his  one  free  hand,  succeeded  in  giving  the  bear  seven 
deep  stabs,  and  left  him  dead  upon  the  verge. 

On  the  last  occasion  he  had  wounded  a bear,  which 
took  to  its  heels  and  disappeared  in  a pile  of  rocks. 

Following  with  all  of  his  speed,  P found  a hole 

down  which  the  bear  seemed  to  have  dropped.  Con- 
vinced that  his  shot  had  been  fatal,  yet  unable  to  enter 
the  cavity,  he  pried  a large  stone  over  the  mouth,  and 
went  for  assistance.  His  hut-companion  returned 
with  him,  and  they  at  first  attempted  to  smoke  the 

bear  out.  Not 
succeeding  in  this, 
they  battered  the 
edge  of  the  hole 
till  it  was  large 
enough  to  enter. 
Then,  held  by  the 

heels,  P went 

in  on  his  hands 
and  knees  in 
search  of  his  booty.  After  some  not  very  pleasant 
groping,  he  found  the  carcass,  and,  attaching  a rope, 
it  was  hauled  out,  a magnificent  bear,  worth  a good 
deal  in  cash  and  much  more  in  glory, 
in  But  while  half  smothered  in  the  cave,  the  hunter 
had  heard,  at  no  great  distance,  an  indistinct  growl, 
which  indicated  that  more  fun  was  to  be  had  if  prop- 


A Bear  Cave 


A BEAR  STORY 


287 


erly  applied  for.  It  was  a hazardous  experiment,  but 

one  that  exactly  suited  P ’s  humor,  to  enter  and 

have  a hand  to  hand  fight  in  the  dark  with  the  growler 
whoever  he  was. 

Arming  himself  with  a freshly  capped  and  cocked 
pistol  and  placing  a knife  between  his  teeth,  he  crept 
cautiously  in  again.  The  passage  shortly  became  nar- 
row, and  he  soon  reached  a turn  which  he  could  only 
pass  feet  foremost.  Retreating  a bit  he  turned  him- 
self and  pushed  on.  After  clearing  the  obstacle  he 
found  himself  free,  and  heard,  now  close  'before  him, 
the  steady  breathing  of  a bear.  It  was  as  dark  as 
Erebus,  but  hit  or  miss  he  resolved  to  have  a shot 
Aiming  deliberately  at  the  sound,  he  fired  two  bar- 
rels, then  took  himself  out  as  fast  as  hands  and  knees 
would  carry  him.  But  no  stir  followed,  and  it  was 
impossible  to  tell  the  result. 

Piling  the  rocks  again  over  the  aperture,  the  two 
returned  to  their  hut,  manufactured  torches  of  wax 
from  a bee  tree,  and  calling  a neighbor  or  two  to  see 
the  sport,  went  again  to  the  den.  Armed  now  with  a 
torch,  P forced  himself  to  where  he  had  been  be- 

fore, and  saw  his  bear  lying  dead.  It  was  dragged 
out. 

After  a congratulatory  and  recuperative  draught 
of  whisky  all  round,  P resolved  on  further  ex- 

plorations. He  found,  beyond  the  scene  of  his  last 
adventure,  a narrow  cleft  in  the  rocks.  He  had 


Armed  to 
the  teeth. 


Bear  num- 
ber two. 


Bear  num- 
ber three. 


288 


THE  STATE 


A pair  of 
eyes. 


A whole  fam- 
ily bagged. 


Celebrating 
the  event. 


hardly  squeezed  himself  into  this,  when  he  sudden iy 
found  his  hand  in  contact  with  a third  bear — dead. 
It  had  probably  been  smothered  by  their  smoke.  This, 
too,  was  got  out  amid  an  excitement  that  made  the 
woods  ring  with  echoes. 

But  if  three  bears  had  been  found,  that  was  no  rea- 
son why  there  should  not  be  more  beyond.  Creeping 
down  again  to  the  cleft,  he  squeezed  in,  head  fore- 
most, as  before.  He  had  not  progressed  far  when 
he  was  met  with  a savage  roar,  and  the  glare  of  a 
pair  of  mad  eyes  in  motion  directly  before  him.  He 
attempted  to  fall  back,  to  recover  himself,  but  one  of 
the  neighbors,  who  had  made  up  his  mind  to  have  a 
finger  in  the  pie,  was  close  behind,  and  prevented,  by 
his  entangled  body,  any  quick  retreat;  so  aiming  hur- 
riedly between  the  eyes,  P fired. 

Before  his  excited  senses  had  recovered  from  the 
reverberated  din  and  smoke,  he  saw  the  eyes  again  in 
a different  place,  this  time  fixed  in  a steady  gaze.  He 
fired  again.  The  echoes  over,  nothing  more  was  to 
be  seen  or  heard.  Advancing  cautiously  once  more, 
he  came  upon  two  warm  carcasses,  both  shot  between 
the  eyes.  Here  was  the  end  of  the  cave.  He  had 
killed  the  whole  of  the  Bruin  family. 

Imagine  the  cheer  when  the  five  bears  were  carried 

by  his  neighbors,  on  poles,  into  the  settlement,  P 

striding  modestly  at  the  rear.  A three  days’  feast  of 
bear’s  meat  and  whisky  was  proclaimed  and  celebrated, 


ANECDOTE  OF  GENERAL  HOUSTON  289 


and  P , if  he  do  not,  like  old  Put.,1  find  his  way 

into  history,  will  at  least  live  long  in  local  traditior 


82.  An  Anecdote  of  General  Houston 

Writer  Unknown  (i860) 

This  story2  illustrates  the  democratic  character  of  General 
Houston  as  well  as  the  biting  sarcasm  which  he  could  use  when 
the  occasion  required. 

It  was  the  custom  of  General  Houston,  while  gov- 
ernor, to  mingle  and  talk  with  the  people  a good  deal. 

In  i860  he  might  have  been  seen  almost  daily  on 
Congress  Avenue,  Austin,  Texas,  standing  at  some 
corner  with  a crowd  around  him.  Upon  one  occasion, 
and  while  in  the  center  of  a knot  of  men  with  whom 
he  was  conversing  in  an  animated  manner,  an  indi- 
vidual, whom  we  will  call  Mr.  K , being  deter- 

mined to  get  his  ear,  elbowed  his  way  through  the 
crowd,  and,  suddenly  confronting  General  Houston, 
addressed  him  thus : “Governor,  I am  told  you  have 

devoted  considerable  attention  to  the  culture  of  shrub- 
bery. What  do  you  consider  the  best  time  for  setting 
out  shade  trees,  and  how?” 

The  general,  being  thus  suddenly  interrupted  in  the 

JThe  writer  here  refers  to  General  Israel  Putnam,  who  won 
fame  in  the  American  Revolution,  and  about  whom  a capital 
wolf  story  is  told. 

2From  Baker,  A Texas  Scrap  Book,  313. 

19 


Houston’s 

democracy. 


A rude 
interruption. 


290 


THE  STATE 


A severe 
rebuff. 


All  the 
men  gone 
to  war. 


The  work  of 
the  women. 


middle  of  a sentence,  lowered  his  shaggy  eyebrows, 
and  quietly  regarding  his  interlocutor  a moment 

slowly  replied,  “The  best  time,  Mr.  K , is  perhaps 

in  the  winter,  and  the  way  in  which  I have  succeeded 
best  is  to  set  the  roots  down.” 

A shout  went  up,  and  K went  off. 


83.  Home  Life  During  the  Civil  War 

By  Mrs.  E.  M.  Loughery  (1861-1865) 

This  extract  illustrates  some  of  the  hardships  of  the  women 
during  the  war.1 

As  soon  as  the  tocsin  of  war  sounded  nearly 
every  man  in  the  State  capable  of  bearing  arms  en- 
listed and  hurried  to  the  front.  After  they  had 
marched  away  sadness  settled  down  over  every  home. 
Many  business  houses  were  closed,  while  the  pro- 
prietors joined  the  army. 

Our  women  were  most  worthy  of  such  husbands, 
sons,  and  brothers.  Here  in  Texas,  as  elsewhere  in 
the  South,  the  old  fashioned  spinning  wheel,  loom, 
and  knitting  needles  were  brought  into  requisition  by 
our  noble  women,  who  worked  busily  through  the 
days  of  storm  that  marked  the  war,  and  far  into  the 
nights,  to  supply  the  soldiers  at  the  front  and  the  de- 

Trom  War  and  Reconstruction  Times  in  Texas. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  270-271. 


LIFE  DURING  THE  CIVIL  WAR 


291 


pendent  members  of  the  family  at  home  with  needed 
clothing. 

The  ladies  all  over  the  State  formed  themselves  into 
a sisterhood,  to  solicit  contributions  of  clothing,  pro- 
visions, and  money  for  the  relief  of  our  soldiers.  There 
were  also  committees  formed  for  the  relief  of  soldiers’ 
families,  many  of  whom  were  in  utter  destitution  and 
would  have  actually  suffered  had  not  such  action  been 
taken.  In  many  instances  the  mother  and  six  or  seven 
children  were  left  without  any  resource,  yet  there 
were  no  cases  of  actual  starvation. 

The  ladies  never  lost  their  ambition  to  appear  well. 
The  skill  they  displayed  in  making  something  out  of 
nothing  was  really  marvelous, — and  sometimes  ridi- 
culous. For  stylish  bonnets  they  made  what  were  called 
skyscrapers.  These  were  of  enormous  size,  both  in 
height  and  breadth,  and  were  decked  with  a profusion 
of  flowers.  The  ladies  also  made  many  beautiful  hats 
and  fans  out  of  shucks  and  straw. 

Notwithstanding  the  blockade  of  the  coast,  a few 
goods  were  brought  into  the  country  from  Mexico, 
and  daring  blockade-runners  occasionally  brought 
supplies  from  Europe,  but  the  greater  part  of  what  was 
needed  was  obtained  by  our  own  invention.  For  medi- 
cines, in  many  instances,  we  used  barks,  roots,  and 
herbs,  as  the  Indians  do.  For  soda  we  burned  corn- 
cobs and  used  the  ashes.  For  coffee  there  were  various 
substitutes,  such  as  parched  sweet  potatoes,  rye,  and 


Helping  the 
soldiers. 


Stylish 

clothes. 


Necessity 
the  mother 
of  invention. 


292 


THE  STATE 


Noble 

Southern 

women. 


okra-beans.  Dry  goods  were  not  to  be  had,  except 
in  very  small  quantities,  and  at  fabulous  prices.  Calico 
of  the  best  quality  cost  $50  a yard,  Confederate  money. 
Domestics  and  other  goods  were  proportionately  high. 
The  negroes  worked  well  during  the  war,  and  the 
farms  supplied  the  country  with  provisions  quite  well. 

These  were  hard  times  in  Southern  homes,  but 
Southern  women  were  as  brave  as  Southern  men. 
They  met  every  hardship  unfalteringly.  They  man- 
aged the  slaves,  while  the  men  were  fighting.  They 
had  the  fields  cultivated,  and  the  crops  grown  and 
gathered.  They  had  the  cotton  and  the  wool  spun 
and  woven  into  clothes.  They  fed  the  hungry,  clothed 
the  naked,  housed  the  homeless,  and  nursed  the  sick. 
Privation  was  nothing  to  them,  so  the  Southern  flag 
floated  to  the  breeze. 

1.  Describe  the  home  life  in  Texas  during  the  Civil  War.  2. 
How  did  the  people  get  most  of  their  clothes  and  medicines? 
3.  What  is  meant  by  “running  the  blockade”  ? 4.  How  did  the 

women  help  those  who  went  to  the  war?  5.  What  is  said  of  the 
faithfulness  of  the  slaves  ? 


A YANKEE  SOLDIER’S  DIARY 


293 


84.  A Yankee  Soldier’s  Diary 

(1862) 

The  Federal  troops  captured  Galveston  October  4,  1862,  and 
held  it  until  January  1,  1863,  when  the  city  was  retaken  by  Gen- 
eral Magruder.  This  diary  was  found  after  the  battle  on  the 
body  of  a Union  sergeant.  It  illustrates  some  of  the  conditions 
of  the  war.1 

After  coming  out  of  the  cotton  press,  on  the  road 
to  the  other  side  of  the  island,  we  met  the  owner  of 
the  presses,  and  he  asked  that  he  might  be  allowed  the 
privilege  of  removing  his  books,  which  was  granted 
him.  He  also  inquired  whether  we  were  to  pay  him 
for  the  use  of  his  property,  or  calculated  to  take  it. 
The  commodore  told  him  in  very  forcible  terms  that 
he  intended  to  take  it,  the  same  as  he  would  any  other 
rebel  property.  After  thanking  him  for  the  privilege 
of  removing  his  books,  the  old  Secesh  left. 

When  our  men  came  down  from  the  city  they 
brought  with  them  many  rebel  relics,  which  they  ob- 
tained in  the  stores  while  foraging:  such  as  pipes, 
rebel  buttons,  inkstands,  blacking,  clocks,  candle- 
sticks, books,  pails,  brooms,  and  the  like.  We  are  in 
hopes,  when  the  balance  of  the  troops  get  here,  busi- 
ness will  revive,  and  everything  look  different  from 
what  it  does  at  the  present ; and  it  needs  a change  here, 

Trom  the  Houston  Tri-W eekly  Telegraph , January  19,  1863. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  267-268. 


Confiscat- 
ing prop- 
erty. 


Gathering 
rebel  relics. 


294 


THE  STATE 


Hardships 
of  a Un- 
ion man. 


Plundering 
the  city. 


for  it  is  the  most  forsaken  looking  city  that  I ever 
saw. 

To-night  we  have  a Union  man,  a resident  of  the 
city  with  us,  who  has  been  obliged  to  quarter  on  board 
the  steamer  Harriet  Lane , and  for  whom  they  have 
offered  $300,  dead  or  alive.  He  seems  to  be  very 
grateful  to  us  for  the  little  hospitality  we  have  shown 
him,  and  although  his  house  is  in  sight  of  our  quar- 
ters, the  poor  fellow  is  obliged  to  leave  every  night 
and  quarter  on  the  wharf,  away  from  his  family.  We 
that  have  our  folks  securely  at  home  and  well  provided 
for  while  we  are  away,  would  think  it  much  harder 
if  we  were  right  in  sight  of  our  own  houses,  seeing 
our  families  literally  starving  before  our  eyes,  and  not 
able  to  get  there.  The  name  of  our  Union  friend 
is  J.  R.  Romaine,  and  he  formerly  resided  in  New 
York. 

Saturday,  December  27,  1862. — Rose  at  reveille  and 
called  the  roll.  Had  breakfast,  after  which  I went  up 
into  the  city  with  Lieutenant  Newcomb,  of  company  G, 
and  visited  several  of  the  stores  in  the  place,  in  one 
of  which  I found  a map  of  the  State  of  Texas.  We 
found  a store  in  which  some  stoves  were  stored,  and 
I then  came  down  to  the  wharf  and  reported  the  same. 
We  broke  open  the  store,  and  after  taking  what  we 
wanted,  we  concluded  to  make  a reconnoisance  in  the 
dwelling  of  a Secesh.  We  found  there  corn,  beef, 
furniture,  and  crockery,  which  we  confiscated  and 


A YANKEE  SOLDIER’S  DIARY 


295 


marched  to  the  wharf.  We  were  met  by  the  Adjutant 
and  a guard,  who  told  us  to  double-quick,  as  there 
had  been  a raid  of  cavalry  to  the  number  of  75,  who 
had  been  endeavoring  to  cut  us  off.  They  had  beat 
the  long  roll  and  called  the  whole  battalion  to  come 
to  our  rescue. 

After  supper  we  received  orders  to  fall  in.  We 
marched  up  into  the  city  with  two  hundred  and  twenty- 
five  men,  with  rockets  and  blue  lights  to  signal  the 
gunboats  in  case  of  attack.  We  scoured  the  city  all 
over,  but  found  no  rebel  officers,  as  we  had  antici- 
pated. In  fact,  I believe  we  did  not  see  a single  soul 
on  the  march.  The  only  thing  we  did  was  to  cut  the 
telegraph  wire,  of  which  I saved  a piece.  We  arrived 
at  our  quarters  at  about  12  o’clock  at  night,  very  tired 
with  our  day’s  and  evening’s  tramp. 

Some  poor  people  came  down  to-day,  and  we  gave 
them  some  of  our  hard-tack,  for  which  they  appeared 
very  grateful.  I got  possession  of  two  bank  bills  to- 
day, in  the  safe  of  the  store  we  entered,  and  one  man 
got  over  $600  in  Confederate  notes. 

Sunday,  December  28. — Rose  at  6 o’clock,  got 
breakfast  and  had  orders  to  fall  the  men  in  for  divine 
service  at  10  o’clock.  We  did  not  have  any,  however, 
owing  to  the  indisposition  of  the  chaplain,  or  his  lazi- 
ness, I don’t  know  which. 

Wednesday,  December  31st. — At  8:30  o’clock  [at 
night],  while  we  were  having  a squad  drill  in  the 


Scouting 
by  night. 


Feeding  the 
hungry. 


A preacher 
who  failed 
to  preach. 


A danger- 
ous scout. 


296 


THE  STATE 


Citizens 
preparing 
to  leave. 


armory,  the  captain  ordered  me  to  detail  twenty-five 
men,  two  sergeants,  with  myself,  and  make  a scouting 
party,  and  we  started  up  town  with  our  handful  of 
men  to  see  what  was  going  on.  A dangerous  piece 
of  business  it  was,  too,  as  the  rebels  could  easily  have 
cut  us  off  and  bagged  every  man  of  us.  They  are  in 
the  city  to-night  in  considerable  numbers,  both  cav- 
alry and  infantry. 

We  learned  from  a source  on  which  we  can  rely 
that  they  intend  burning  the  city  to-night,  and  we  saw, 
as  we  passed  through  the  streets,  lights  burning  in 
the  houses  at  ten  and  half  past  ten,  which  is  late  to 
be  up  here.  We  also  saw  family  carriages  laden  with 
household  goods,  ready  for  starting.  Women  were 
standing  in  the  doors  of  the  houses  waiting  for  the 
time  when  the  gunboats  should  retaliate,  to  leave. 
Others  had  bundles  and  were  making  for  the  other 
side  of  the  island. 


(The  writer  did  not  live  to  enter  the  balance  of  the 
history  of  his  visit  to  Texas  in  his  little  book.  He 
was  killed  this  same  night.) 

1.  What  was  a “Secesh”?  2.  Why  did  the  soldiers  not  pay 
for  what  they  took  from  the  stores?  3.  What  kindnesses  did 
they  sometimes  show  the  people  of  Galveston?  4.  When  the 
city  was  recaptured  by  the  Confederates,  how  were  the  Yankees 
treated  (see  pages  299-301)? 


RECAPTURE  OF  GALVESTON 


297 


85.  The  Recapture  of  Galveston 

GLORIOUS  NEWS 

GALVESTON  RETAKEN 
THE  HARRIET  LANE  CAPTURED 
THE  WESTFIELD  DESTROYED 

600  PRISONERS  TAKEN 

THE  MOST  BRILLIANT  AFFAIR  OF  THE  IVAR 

Galveston,  Texas,  January  i,  1863. 

To  S.  Cooper,  Adjutant-General. 

This  morning,  the  first  of  January,  at  3 o’clock,  I 
attacked  the  enemy’s  fleet  and  garrison  at  this  place. 
I captured  the  garrison  and  the  steamer  Harriet  Lane 
and  two  barks  and  a schooner  of  the  fleet. 

The  rest  of  the  fleet,  some  four  or  five  in  number, 
escaped  ignominiously  under  cover  of  a flag  of  truce. 
I have  about  six  hundred  prisoners  and#a  large  quan- 
tity of  valuable  stores,  arms,  etc.  The.  Harriet  Lane 
is  very  little  injured.  She  was  carried  by  boarding, 
from  two  high  pressure  cotton  steamers  manned  by 
Texas  cavalry  and  artillery. 

irThis  report  is  taken  from  the  Houston  Tri-Weekly  Telegraph , 
January  2,  1863.  See  introductory  note,  page  293. 

Read:  Pennybacker,  267-268. 


Galveston 

recaptured. 


Prisoners 
and  supplies. 


298 


TLIE  STATE 


Gallant 
officers 
and  men. 


The  line  troops  were  gallantly  commanded  by  Col. 
Thomas  Green,  of  Sibley’s  brigade,  and  the  ships  and 
artillery  by  Major  Leon  Smith,  to  whose  energy  and 
heroic  daring  the  country  is  indebted  for  the  success- 
ful execution  of  a plan  which  I had  conceived  for  the 
destruction  of  the  enemy’s  fleet.  Col.  Bagby,  of  Sib- 
ley’s brigade,  also  commanded  the  volunteers  from 


Magruder’s  Cotton-clads 

his  regiment  for  the  naval  expedition,  in  which  every 
officer  and  every  man  won  for  himself  imperishable 
renown. 

I am,  sir,  very  respectfully  your  ob’t  serv’t, 

J.  Bankhead  Magruder, 

Maj.  Gen.  Com’d’g  Dept.  Dist.  of  Texas. 

1.  How  many  vessels  were  captured  by  General  Magruder  in 
the  battle  of  Galveston?  2.  How  many  prisoners  did  he  cap- 
ture? 3.  How  did  he  fortify  the  vessels  that  he  used  in  the 
attack  (see  picture)  ? 4.  What  doe^  he  say  of  the  men  who 

were  under  his  command? 


PRISONERS  IN  HOUSTON  299 

86.  Federal  Prisoners  in  Houston1 

(1863) 

Houston,  January  2,  1863. 

It  having  been  given  out  that  the  Federal  prisoners, 
captured  in  the  recent  battle  at  Galveston,  would  be 
up  on  the  train  this  morning,  a large  concourse  of 
citizens  assembled  at  the  depot,  burning  with  curiosity 
to  see  the  men  who  had  come  to  desolate  our  land, 
but  who  had  suddenly  been  brought  up  with  a round 
turn  by  the  unparalleled  generalship  of  our  noble  com- 
mander. After  waiting  some  two  hours  in  the  rain, 
the  assemblage  was  gratified  with  the  sound  of  the 
locomotive  whistle,  and  presently  the  train  came  in 
view.  It  stopped  about  half  a mile  from  the  depot, 
where  the  Yankees  were  landed,  formed  into  line, 
and  under  guard  marched  to  the  depot,  and  thence  to 
their  quarters,  where  they  will  remain  for  the  present. 

The  colonel  of  the  regiment,  three  captains,  six 
lieutenants,  and  350  non-commissioned  officers,  pri- 
vates, and  soldiers  are  all  that  could  be  brought  on 
this  train.  The  balance,  some  275,  will  be  sent  up 
as  soon  as  possible.  Our  reporter  was  kindly  per- 
mitted by  the  officers  in  charge  to  pass  the  guard  and 
mingle  with  the  prisoners.  From  them  he  learned 
that  the  regiment  had  been  in  service  only  four  months. 

1From  the  Houston  Tri-Weekly  Telegraph , January  5,  1863. 
Read  the  introductory  note,  page  293. 


Waiting 
to  see  the 
Yankees. 


Inter- 
viewed by 
reporter. 


300 


THE  STATE 


Fine  look- 
ing fellows. 


Looking  on 
the  bright 
side. 


A pleas- 
ing sight. 


They  were  mostly  Americans;  but  an  occasional  for- 
eigner  might  be  seen  among  them,  mostly  Irish  and 
Dutch. 

Those  with  whom  our  reporter  conversed  were 
young  men,  and  seemed  very  intelligent.  They  were 
all  remarkably  well  dressed  and  accoutered,  and  all 
wore  a healthy  but  rather  downcast  look.  Some,  in- 
deed, held  up  their  heads  and  appeared  as  light- 
hearted as  though  they  were  the  conquerors,  instead 
of  the  conquered ; but  the  most  of  them  looked  rather 
sober.  They  expressed  themselves  much  pleased  with 
Texas,  and  acknowledged  that  they  had  been  very 
kindly  treated  since  they  were  made  prisoners. 

One  smart  looking  young  fellow  remarked  that  he 
believed  they  were  better  off  as  prisoners  than  they 
were  before,  because  now  they  had  a prospect  of  get- 
ting back  home  alive  ; and  before  it  was  decidedly  prob- 
lematical ! Several  negroes  were  seen  among  the  pris- 
oners; one  wearing  “bracelets”  was  an  escaped  slave. 
One  clothed  in  sailor’s  uniform  was  very  much  ob- 
served, especially  among  the  boys  in  the  crowd,  who 
failed  not  to  improve  the  occasion  for  sport. 

The  appearance  of  the  Yankee  prisoners  marching 
up  Main  Street  was  novel  in  the  extreme,  and  was  a 
sight  which  did  one  good  to  look  at.  Although  our 
people  were  wrought  up  to  the  highest  pitch  of  ex- 
citement, they  conducted  themselves  with  becoming 
moderation  toward  the  prisoners.  Occasionally  a boy 


HYMN  OF  THE  CONFEDERACY 


301 


or  two  would  hoot,  but  aside  from  this  they  were  not 
molested  during  their  whole  march. 

Altogether  they  were  a fine  looking  body  of  men, 
and  ought  to  be  ashamed  of  themselves  for  volunteer- 
ing their  services  in  the  villainy  of  trying  to  subjugate 
a chivalrous  people. 

1.  Why  do  you  suppose  the  train  was  stopped  before  reaching 
the  station?  2.  How  did  the  Yankees  feel  about  their  capture? 
3.  How  had  they  been  treated  in  Texas?  4.  What  did  the  boys 
think  of  them? 


87.  A Hymn  of  the  Confederacy 

By  O.  M.  A.  [Writer  Unknown]  (1863) 

President  Jefferson  Davis  set  aside  March  27,  1863,  as  a day 
of  fasting  and  prayer  for  the  Confederacy.  This  hymn,  or  prayer, 
was  written  by  a soldier  in  camp  at  Velasco  to  be  used  for  the 
occasion.  It  was  suggested  as  a Confederate  national  song.1 

While  on  our  guilty  land 
God  lays  his  chastening  hand 
Our  sins  to  scourge; 

Father!  give  us  to  see 
How  we  have  slighted  Thee, 

And  by  repentance  flee 
From  ruin’s  verge. 

O God!  we  would  repent, 

And  make  acknowledgment 
Of  errors  past; 

Pardon  for  all  receive, 

1From  the  Houston  Tri-Weekly  Telegraph,  March  23,  1863. 


302 


THE  STATE 


To  Thee  allegiance  give, 

And  in  Thy  favor  live, 

Ever  steadfast. 

While  war’s  dread  havoc  reigns. 
And  rapine  stalks  our  plains, 

Oh,  be  Thou  near! 

Our  cruel  foes  restrain, 

And  drive  them  back  again, 

Our  country’s  cause  maintain, 

O Saviour,  hear! 

On  Thee  our  trust  is  stayed, 

Thy  power  has  been  displayed 
In  our  defense. 

Still  may  we  claim  Thy  care, 
Thy  kind  protection  share; 

Our  bleeding  country  spare, 
Omnipotence ! 

God  of  our  fathers,  hear; 
Answer  the  nation’s  prayer, 
Which  now  we  make ; 

From  war  grant  us  release, 

Bid  rage  of  battle  cease, 

Oh,  give  our  country  peace 
For  Jesus’  sake! 


SOME  OLD-TIME  ADVERTISEMENTS  303 


88.  Some  Old  Time  Advertisements1 

(1863-1865) 

A Runaway 

April  1,  1863. 

$100  Reward — Ran  away  from  E.  M.  Patrick  & 
Co.,  of  Anderson,  Grimes  County,  boy  Tom,  about 
40  or  45  years  of  age,  carpenter  by  trade,  black  com- 
plexion, rather  inclined  to  tawny,  has  no  mark  that 
can  be  remembered  except  a scar  on  one  of  his  legs, 
Mr.  Grainger,  of  this  place,  and  by  Mr.  Grainger  from 
Mr.  Grainger,  of  this  place,  and  Mr.  Grainger  from 
Dr.  Shelby  of  Liberty,  where  it  is  supposed  Tom  is 
trying  to  get  to.  The  above  reward  will  be  paid  on 
delivery  of  said  negro  to  J.  S.  & J.  D.  Sydnor,  Hous- 
ton, or  to  E.  M.  Patrick  & Co.,  Anderson,  Grimes 
County. 


High  Prices 

April  29,  1863. 

Sale  of  Negroes. — Yesterday  the  sale  of  the  ne- 
groes belonging  to  Gen.  H.  P.  Bee,  took  place  at  the 
auction  rooms  of  Col.  J.  S.  Sydnor,  and  the  prices 
ranged  beyond  those  paid  a week  or  two  since.  The 
number  sold  yesterday  was  31,  and  the  amount  of  the 
sale  was  between  eighty-five  and  eighty-six  thousand 

1From  the  Houston  Tri-Weekly  Telegraph. 


304 


THE  STATE 


A remark- 
able family. 


dollars.  Women  from  18  to  20  years  of  age,  sold 
for  $4000  and  $4500  [Confederate  money].  One 
woman  with  two  small  children  sold  for  $5700.  Or- 
dinary negro  men  brought  over  $4000.  The  lot  was 
not  an  extraordinarily  good  one,  though  very  fair,  but 
the  prices  were  unusually  high. 

A Big  Auction  Sale 

January  9,  1865. 

J.  S.  & J.  D.  Sydnor  will  sell,  without  reserve,  on 
Tuesday,  January  10th,  the  first  thirty  negroes  in  this 
advertisement. 

1,  2,  Violet,  dark,  34  years  old,  and  her  child  Texas, 
3 years  old,  tawny — a cotton  picker  and  field  hand 
and  a superior  weaver  and  spinner,  washer  and  ironer. 
Family  long-lived,  her  grandmother  now  living  at  the 
age  of  120  years. 

3,  4,  Winnie,  18  years  old,  dark,  and  her  child,  one 
year  old,  griff. 

5,  6,  Harriet,  17  years  old,  and  her  child,  one  year 
old,  tawny. 

Winnie  and  Harriet  are  superior  cotton  pickers  and 
spinners.  The  overseer  says  the  two  together  average 
their  500  pounds  clean  cotton  per  day.  They  are  chil- 
dren of  Violet. 

7,  Fanny,  16  years  old,  rich  black  color,  field  hand 
exclusively,  and  remarkably  stout. 

8,  Delia,  14  years  old,  a bacon  skin  color,  field 


SOME  OLD-TIME  ADVERTISEMENTS  305 


hand,  and  very  likely;  not  so  stout  as  other  members 
of  her  family. 

9,  Emmeline,  12  years  old,  dark,  very  sprightly; 
can  spin  her  five  and  six  cuts  per  day;  capable  of  be- 
ing made  a most  extraordinary  servant. 

10,  Tom,  10  years  old,  black;  like  the  balance  of 
the  family. 

11,  Fayette,  8 years  old,  black;  likewise  after  the 
same  order;  as  yet  has  done  nothing  except  to  nurse 
children. 

The  above  embrace  one  entire  family;  being  of  the 
family  that  have  lived  from  75  to  125  years,  and  have 
never  been  out  of  the  family  that  raised  them. 

26,  Peter,  16  years  old,  jet  black,  perfectly  trusty, 
and  has  never  been  whipped. 

27,  Billy,  16  years  old,  black,  rather  low  in  stature, 
and  decidedly  handsome,  and  very  intelligent,  ingeni- 
ous and  thrifty. 

28,  Dick,  17  years  old,  black;  as  handsome  a nigger 
as  can  be  seen,  retiring  in  his  manner — a good  field 
hand. 

Titles  to  all  of  the  above  negroes  indisputable. 


1.  What  means  did  owners  adopt  to  recover  runaway  slaves? 
2.  How  old  a “boy”  was  Mr.  Patrick’s  Tom?  3.  Were  slaves 
ever  taught  trades?  4.  Make  a list  of  occupations  in  which  the 
different  members  of  Violet’s  family  were  employed. 


All  sizes, 
shapes, 
and  colors. 


20 


306 


THE  STATE 


An  indus- 
trious Sun- 
day school. 


The  Ladies’ 
Aid  Society, 


High  prices. 


89.  Raising  Money  for  the  War1 

(1863-1865) 

Contributions 

January  14,  1863. 

We  acknowledge  $20  from  Col.  L.  W.  Groce,  and 
$50  from  Miss  Ellen  Groce,  for  the  Rangers’  concert. 

Mr.  Editor  : The  teachers  and  pupils  of  the 

Methodist  Sabbath  School  of  this  city  have  knit  and 
presented  the  Confederate  army  with  one  hundred  and 
forty  pairs  of  good  socks.  Who  will  do  likewise? 

I.  O.  Church,  Sup’t. 

Waco,  January  13,  1863. 

January  26,  1863. 

The  thanks  of  the  Second  regiment  Texas  volun- 
teers are  returned  to  Mrs.  T.  J.  Hunter,  President  of 
the  Ladies  Aid  Society,  of  Fort  Bend  County,  for  44 
pairs  woolen  socks  and  3 woolen  neckties.  Other 
contributions  for  this  brave  regiment  will  be  thank- 
fully received,  and  forwarded  to  them,  if  left  at  T.  W. 
House’s  store. 

February  2,  1863. 

We  received  four  carpet  blankets,  two  pairs  pants, 
one  waistcdat,  four  pairs  socks  from  Mrs.  John  A. 
Campbell,  Austin,  which  we  sold  to  the  Clothing 

1From  the  Houston  Tri- Weekly  Telegraph. 


RAISING  MONEY  FOR  THE  WAR  307 


Bureau  for  $83.50.  This  amount  has  been  deposited 
- in  the  fund  for  Sibley’s  brigade. 

Confederate  States  Hospital, 

Hempstead,  Texas,  Nov.  17,  1864. 

Ed.  Telegraph  : I desire  to  return  thanks  through  ^ §'lft  of 

0 sheep. 

your  widely  circulated  paper  for  a donation  to  this 
Hospital  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-three  sheep,  by 
Mr.  Joe  Cavett,  of  Wheelock,  Robertson  County, 

Texas. 

Very  respectfully,  your  ob’d’t  serv’t, 

E.  W.  Rogers, 

Assistant  Surgeon  in  Charge. 

Amateur  Theatricals 

January  23,  1863. 

An  amateur  Dramatic  Association  is  about  being 
formed  in  this  city  [Houston]  for  the  purpose  of  rais- 


The  Confederate  Home  at  Austin 


308 


THE  STATE 


A success- 
ful concert. 


The  young 
ladies  of 
Baylor  Uni- 
versity. 


A noble 
gift. 


ing  funds  for  the  support  of  soldiers’  families.  Those 
who  wish  to  join  an  affair  of  this  kind  can  address 
“Drama,”  through  the  postoffice. 

January  23,  1863. 

We  have  received  through  Capt.  C.  S.  Longcope, 
four  hundred  and  seventy-three  dollars,  the  proceeds 
of  a concert  and  tableaux,  given  by  the  ladies  of  La 
Grange,  for  the  benefit  of  Dr.  L.  A.  Bryan’s  Hospital. 
Of  this  sum,  the  following  were  donations:  From 

Governor  Lubbock,  $50;  A.  R.  Gates,  $50;  J.  A. 
Haynie,  $50;  M.  Cavanaugh,  $50;  G.  Markman,  $10; 
Mrs.  Sharp,  $2;  total,  $212. 

February  2,  1863. 

Editor  Telegraph  : The  young  ladies  of  Baylor 

University  propose  to  do  something  for  the  benefit 
of  that  most  deserving  corps,  the  Sibley  brigade. 
They  will  give  an  entertainment,  consisting  of  music, 
tableaux,  etc.,  on  Friday  night,  February  13,  which 
they  flatter  themselves  will  prove  acceptable  to  the 
public. 

Anderson,  Grimes  County, 

January  13,  1863. 

Editor  Telegraph  : Herewith  find  inclosed  $100, 

net  proceeds  of  a concert  given,  unsolicited,  in  this 
place,  by  three  negroes  belonging  to  Capt.  D.  D. 
Atcheson.  These  negroes  formerly  lived  in  Galveston, 
and  say  they  wish  the  money  expended  for  the  benefit 


The  Confederate  Monument  at  Austin 

(Unveiled  in  1903) 


310 


TEE  STATE 


Worthy  of 

honorable 

mention. 


A fancy 
Ball. 


of  those  wounded  in  defense  of  their  late  city  home. 
Acknowledge  receipt  and  turn  over  to  proper  person 
or  persons. 

Respectfully, 

M. 

January  19,  1863. 

The  three  negroes  belonging  to  Captain  Atcheson, 
who  gave  a concert  and  thus  raised  $100  for  the 
benefit  of  the  wounded  in  the  Galveston  fight,  are 
worthy  of  honorable  mention.  They  have  done  a 
good  thing  and  should  have  credit  for  it. 

A Fancy  Dress  Party 

January  23,  1863. 

On  Friday  evening  a social  party  and  an  elegant 
supper  will  be  given  by  the  ladies  of  Houston  and 
Galveston,  the  proceeds  of  which  are  to  be  given  to 
the  sick,  wounded,  and  indigent  soldiers  in  and  about 
the  two  cities.  The  arrangements  for  the  supper  are 
on  a scale  of  elegance  unsurpassed  heretofore,  and 
we  can  promise  those  who  go  a good  time.  Tickets 
of  admission  will  be  for  sale  at  the  usual  places  on 
the  street.  Those  who  may  not  be  able,  or  do  not 
wish  to  attend,  are  requested  to  send  their  contribu- 
tions in  money  to  the  editor  of  this  paper. 

Get  Your  Packages  Ready 

January  23,  1863. 

There  being  so  great  a desire  on  the  part  of  our 
people  to  send  packages  of  clothing,  etc.,  to  their 


HARDSHIPS  OF  THE  LAW-MAKERS  311 


friends  in  the  army,  we  have  determined  to  make  up 
another  shipment,  which  will  include  packages  for  all 
the  Texas  regiments  in  Mississippi  and  Tennessee. 
To  place  their  transportation  beyond  any  doubt,  par- 
ties sending  will  provide  money  at  the  rate  of  $2  per 
pound  for  their  packages.  Should  we  succeed  in  get- 
ting them  through  for  a less  sum,  the  money  left  will 
be  placed  in  the  charge  of  proper  persons  in  each  regi- 
ment for  the  benefit  of  the  sick  and  wounded.  The 
messenger  will  leave  here  in  charge  of  the  shipment 
about  the  10th  of  February,  if  enough  packages  reach 
us  by  that  time  to  justify  sending  them.  Due  notice 
will  be  given  of  the  time  of  leaving. 

1.  Make  a list  of  the  various  ways  in  which  money  and  sup- 
plies were  raised  for  the  soldiers.  2.  Make  a list  of  the  different 
articles  contributed.  3 How  were  things  sent  to  the  soldiers? 


90.  Hardships  of  the  Law-makers' 

(1864) 

Austin,  November  14,  1864. 

Editor  Telegraph  : A traveler  is  much  surprised 

when  he  first  visits  Austin.  I will  be  honest,  and 
admit  that  it  is  the  prettiest  city  I have  yet  seen  in 
this  State.  It  is  built  in  a beautiful  location;  the 
business  part  of  the  town  lies  in  a valley  between  the 
hills,  the  rest  of  the  town  is  scattered  over  the  hills. 


How  pack- 
ages were 
sent  to  the 
soldiers. 


A beauti- 
ful town. 


^rom  the  Houston  Tri-Weekly  Telegraph. 


312 


THE  STATE 


The  Legis- 
lature. 


Tobacco 
and  nails 
for  money. 


Making 

corn- 

dodgers. 


The  capitol  and  other  State  buildings  are  the  pride  of 
the  town,  although  there  are  many  very  pretty  build- 
ings in  different  parts. 

The  Legislature  is  still  in  session,  but  there  is  some 
talk  of  adjourning  in  the  morning.  I paid  a visit  to 
the  capitol  this  morning ; every  man  was  hard  at  work. 

Many  of  the  members  have  been  destitute  of  specie 
since  their  arrival,  and  they  find  it  inconvenient  in 
this  country  where  nothing  but  specie  is  taken.  But 
a few  of  the  more  knowing  ones  brought  along  some 
articles  that  were  scarce  here  for  the  purpose  of  ex- 
change. One  man  brought  some  tobacco;  another  a 
keg  of  nails.  All  these  articles  proved  to  be  a good 
legal  tender,  and  the  gentlemen  have  made  some  pro- 
fits besides.  So  many  brought  tobacco  that  the  mar- 
ket is  now  overstocked,  and  that  article  is  now  very 
cheap  in  the  hill  city. 

Some  of  the  members  camp  out  in  their  wagons. 
It  is  ludicrous  to  see  an  eloquent  representative,  in 
the  Senate  chamber  all  day,  mixing  up  corn  dodgers 
in  camp  in  the  evening.  But  the  present  members  of 
the  Texas  Legislature  are  none  of  your  shoddy  aris- 
tocrats— they  are  all  men  who  would  have  no  objec- 
tion to  pull  off  their  coats  and  work,  or  to  shoulder 
their  guns  and  go  to  the  field  if  necessary. 

1.  What  is  meant  by  being  ‘destitute  of  specie”?  2.  Notice 
the  date  of  this  extract  and  explain  why  Confederate  money  was 
not  worth  much.  3.  What  did  the  legislators  use  instead  of 
money?  4.  Compare  their  way  of  living  with  what  you  know 
of  the  legislators  today. 


FLAG  SONG  OF  TEXAS 


313 


91.  Flag  Song  of  Texas 


O prairie  breeze,  blow  sweet  and  pure, 
And  Southern  sun  shine  bright 
To  bless  our  flag,  where’er  may  gleam 
Its  single  star  of  light; 

But  should  the  sky  grow  dark  with  wrath 
The  tempest  burst  and  rave, 

It  still  shall  float  undauntedly, 

The  standard  of  the  brave! 


Chorus. 

Flag  of  our  State,  O glorious  flag ! 

Unsullied  in  peace,  and  triumphant  in  war; 
Heroes  have  fought  for  you, 

Statesmen  have  wrought  for  you — 

Emblazoned  in  glory  you  bear  the  Lone  Star! 


314 


FLAG  SONG  OF  TEXAS 


By  deeds  of  arms  our  land  was  freed, 

And  priceless  the  reward ! 

Brave  Milam  died  and  Fannin  fell 
Its  sacred  rights  to  guard; 

Our  patriot  force  with  mighty  will 
Triumphant  set  it  free, 

And  Travis,  Bowie,  Crockett  gave 
Their  lives  for  liberty! 

And  when  on  San  Jacinto’s  plain 
The  Texians  heard  the  cry, 

“Remember,  men,  the  Alamo!” 

They  swore  to  win  or  die; 

Resistless  in  their  high  resolve, 

They  forced  the  foe  to  yield, 

And  freedom  crowned  their  victory 
On  that  illustrious  field! 

O Texas,  tell  the  story  o’er, 

With  pride  recall  each  name, 

And  teach  your  sons  to  emulate 
Their  virtues  and  their  fame; 

So  shall  your  grandeur  still  increase, 

Your  glory  shine  afar, 

For  deathless  honor  guards  the  flag 
Where  gleams  the  proud  Lone  Star! 

In  1902  Hon.  William  L.  Prather,  LL.  D.,  President  of  The 
University  of  Texas,  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Daughters  of 
the  Republic  of  Texas  $100  to  be  offered  as  a prize  for  the  best 
song  on  the  subject  of  the  Texas  Flag.  They  conducted  a con- 
test and  awarded  the  prize  to  Mrs.  Harby  for  this  poem.  The 
music  by  Mr.  Aldridge  B.  Kidd,  which  we  print  below,  has'  been 
adopted  and  copyrighted  by  the  Daughters  of  the  Republic,  and 
it  is  with  their  kind  permission  that  we  use  it.  Following  the 
official  music  we  print  that  written  by  Mr.  Edmund  Ludwig, 
of  Austin.  For  this  we  are  indebted  to  Mr.  Ludwig  and  to 
President  Prather. 


FLAG  SONG  OF  TEXAS 


315 


Music  by  Aldridge  B.  Kidd. 


O prai  - rie  breeze,blow  sweet  and  pure.  And  South -ern  sun  shine 


dark  with  wrath,  The  tem  - pest  burst  and  rave,  It 


still  shall  float  un  - daunt -ed  - ly,  The  stand -ard  of  the  brave! 


He  - roes  have  fought  for  you,  States  - men  have  wrought  for  you — Em- 


bla  - zoned  in  glo  - ry,  you  bear  the  Lone  Star! 


316 


FLAG  SONG  OF  TEXAS 


Music  by  Edmund  Ludwig. 


O prai  - ric  breeze, blow  sweet  and  pure,  And  South-ern  sun  shine 


dark  with  wrath,  The  tem  - pest  burst  and  rave,  It 


Still  shall  float  un  - daunt  - ed  - Iy,  The  stand  - ard  of  the 

Chorus 


sul  - lied  in  peace,  tri  - umph-ant  in  war;  He-roes  have  fought  for  you, 


Date  Due 


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